The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and EnfranchisementMerriam, George Spring
History
The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement
Merriam, George Spring
African Americans -- History; Slavery -- United States -- History
ever consent, to be excluded from these rights which they have so long
enjoyed, nor to abandon the prospect of the benefits which humanity
claims for itself by means of their continued enjoyment in the future.
Neither will they consent that the continent shall be overrun by the
victims of a remorseless cupidity, and the elements of danger increased
by the barbarizing influences which accompany the African slave trade.
Inspired by the ideas and emotions which commanded the fraternization of
Jackson and Webster on another great occasion of public danger, the
people of Massachusetts, confiding in the patriotism of their brethren
in other States, accept this issue, and respond in the words of Jackson,
'The Federal Union, it must be preserved.'... We cannot turn aside, and
we will not turn back."
The crowded, anxious, hurrying months, brought the 4th of March, and
Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated as President. His speeches on his way to
the capital,--pacific, reassuring, but firm for national unity and
liberty,--had in a degree brought him into touch with the mass of the
people. But when his gaunt and homely form rose to deliver the inaugural
address, it was as a little-known and untried man that he was heard.
That speech gave signal that the man for the hour had come. No words
could better describe its quality than "sweet reasonableness";--that,
and unflinching purpose. He began by earnest reassurances as to the
fidelity to the Constitution of himself and the party behind him. He
suggested the means and temper by which mutual grievances might be
approached. Then in his clear, logical fashion, and in the plain speech
of the common man, he showed that the Union is in its nature
indissoluble, older than the Constitution, unaffected by any attempted
Secession. His own official, inevitable duty is to maintain the Union.
But there need be no bloodshed or violence. "The power confided to me
will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places
belonging to the government, and collect the duties and imports; but
beyond what may be necessary for these objects there will be no
invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere." If
resident citizens will not hold Federal offices, there is to be no
intrusion of obnoxious strangers. The mails will be furnished wherever
they are wanted. "So far as possible the people everywhere shall have
that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought
and reflection." This will be his course unless events shall compel a
change. And then follows a most calm, rational, moving plea against
sacrificing a great, popular, orderly self-government, to individual
caprice or fancied wrongs; a demonstration, irresistible as mathematics,
that "the central idea of Secession is anarchy." "Unanimity is
impossible, the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is
wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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