(2) In the factories that have Administrative Councils,[64] the wage-earners and salaried employés are represented on these councils by one or two delegates. This representation of workers on Administrative Councils has aroused among the employers the liveliest opposition. The Cabinet’s project provided that the worker representatives have the same rights and duties as the other members of the Administrative Councils. But the National Assembly has not followed the Cabinet on this point and has limited the power of the workers’ representatives in the Administrative Council to the mere statement of the interests and claims of the workers, and to the execution of their votes and wishes concerning the organization of the factory. In addition this representation must be regulated by a special law, and, until such a law is passed, that of February 4 confines itself to prescribing that the representatives of the workers have a seat and voice in all the meetings of the Administrative Council, but that they receive no remuneration other than the pay for the time of attendance at the meetings. They are obliged to keep confidential what they learn at the meetings of the Council. The underlying spirit intended for the workers’ representation in the Administrative Council is indicated as follows: “The granting of so extensive a power, changing the right of co-deliberation generally accorded to the working class into a right of codecision, is proposed in the conviction that nothing is better calculated to increase the love of work, the sentiment of responsibility and the output of industries than the right accorded to workers to co-operate under their own responsibility in the supreme direction of the factories.” One cannot conclude the study of the economic powers of the Factory Workers Councils without saying a word on the question of the co-operation of these Councils in the socialization process. The supporters of the theory of Councils have always forcefully insisted on this co-operation to justify the necessity of giving the maximum power possible to the Factory Workers Council. But the law of February 4 does not grant these councils in economic matters anything but powers of deliberation, hardly even conceding them the right of decision; nor does it give them any privilege other than that of supporting and helping their employers in the achievement of the factory’s purposes. Thereby is denied all action on the part of the Factory Workers Councils that might directly influence the socialization of the factory itself. The law of February 4 seems to take the point of view opposed to that of socialization.