Germany -- History -- Revolution, 1918; Germany -- Politics and government -- 1918-1933
To this result two actions on our part especially contributed. The
first, our opposition to the union of German-Austria with Germany; the
second, our refusal to admit Germany to the League of Nations. These
were the two meaningless, almost motiveless insults that in my opinion
have done us more lasting harm in Europe than such mistakes in practical
policy as the maintenance of the blockade. The repudiation, presumably
at French dictation, of both the principle of nationality and that of
self-determination was bad enough. It was worse to try to buttress an
artificial barrier between two sections of the German race by assigning
German populations to neighbouring States--Germans of Bohemia to
Tchecho-Slovakia--Germans of Karinthia to Yugo-Slavia--Germans of the
Tyrol to Italy. This diplomatic device failed even in a far more
thorough form in Poland over a century ago. Just as the policy of
artificial separation failed in the case of Eastern Roumelia.
But, apart from such moral considerations which must in the long run
defeat our policy of segregating Austro-Germans, that policy might
have been seen to be impolitic even in its most material and immediate
aspects.
The idea of a union of Germany and Austria presented itself to our
minds as an aggrandisement of Germany. But if the union of Germany and
Austria would have been a concession to the force of German
nationality, yet it would have been no reinforcement of German
nationalism. Union with German-Austria would indeed have been the best
guarantee against Germany's relapse into Prussianism. For the marriage
of Prussia and Austria would not be due to affection nor to ambition
nor even to advantage, but to affinity. German-Austria might indeed
consider herself fortunate in having a relation bound by family ties
to take her for better or worse, for richer or poorer, with all her
dowry of decrepitude and debt. "Tu felix Austria nube" would have
acquired a new meaning.
The phrase, "union of Germany with Austria" might suggest a great
extension eastwards of German imperialism over Eastern Europe and Asia
Minor. But a glance at the map shows that, whereas previously Germany
enjoyed by alliance with Austria political control eastwards to the
Carpathians and Balkans and economic control to the Ægean and Black
Sea, now Germany is barricaded on the east at its national frontier by
strong national States; and by union with German-Austria would receive
an extension of its own national frontier not eastward but southward.
The effect of union with Austria would be to add to Germany not
another East Prussia or Silesia, but another Baden or Bavaria.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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