Germany -- History -- Revolution, 1918; Germany -- Politics and government -- 1918-1933
There is, indeed, nothing to be said for the insistence of the Supreme
Council at Paris on delaying the union of Austro-Germany with Germany.
The forcible splitting off of East Prussia and the subjection of
millions of Germans to Polish, Tchecho-Slovak and Yugo-Slav
governments, though indefensible in principle, may be defended by
practical arguments--for instance that these German ports and lands
are geographically essential to the new States, while their German
population will be a valuable element in them. The assignment of the
Tyrol to Italy may have a diplomatic defence as a design to falsify
future relations between Germans and Italians, to the advantage of
France and England. The acquisition of German Lorraine and the Saar
valley by France may be explained by the policy of making France
industrially independent of Germany and of preventing any future
economic hegemony of Germany in Europe. An insistence on
Austro-Germany entering the German Republic might have been explained
as an attempt to save Germany from Bolshevism and Prussianism, and to
keep it quiet. But an insistence on Austro-Germany remaining
independent, with its corollary in the intrigues for a separate Rhine
Republic, seem to me as diplomatically ill-considered as they are
democratically ill-conceived. We intended a material injury to German
nationalists, but we have only inflicted a mortal insult on the German
nation.
The Treaty of Versailles has then no elements either of permanence or
of peace; because it runs counter both to facts and to forces both in
the region of national and in that of international relationships.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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