The great strength of Prussianism was in the Prussian Constitution and in the Crown. But Art. 17 now prescribes that every State must have a Constitution as a Free State of a democratic character. And as to the Crown, Prussia has not the same relations to the President as it had to the Emperor. The Kaiser was primarily King of Prussia by right divine, the President is primarily executive of Germany by popular election.[L] Moreover, under the old _régime_, the Kaiser's Chancellor was also Prussian Premier. The Republic's Chancellor has nothing to say to Prussia; he and the Ministers form a Federal Cabinet responsible to the Reichstag. And, if we carry this comparison into other political regions, we find the same result; that Prussianism and Junkerism have lost their vantage grounds and have been put under democratic control. In Foreign Affairs the influence of Prussia was, as we have cause to know, especially fatal to Germany and to Europe. But that is now at an end. The German Constitution not only affords the usual guarantees of Parliamentary Government for a democratic foreign policy, but guards the nation against defects in those guarantees that have been found dangerous even in our own Constitution. Two innovations have for years been urged by reformers in our own country, the institution of a permanent parliamentary committee on foreign affairs, and the submission of important treaties, as well as of declaration of war, to Parliament. Had Germany had these safeguards at the time of the war there would have been no war. Had we had them then we should now have peace. Articles 35 and 45 of the German Constitution are worthy of our careful consideration.