The four grievances of Ireland were, in the words of Grattan, “a foreign legislature, a foreign judicature, a legislative Privy Council, and a perpetual army,”(125) and they were set forth in the Amendment to the Address carried by him in the Irish Parliament on April 17th.(126) “My opinion,” Fox wrote to Fitzpatrick, on April 28th, “is clear for giving them all they ask; but for giving it them so as to secure us from further demands, and at the same time to have some clear understanding with respect to what we are to expect from Ireland in return for the protection and assistance which she receives from those fleets which cost us such enormous sums and her nothing. If they mean really well to their country, they must wish some final adjustment which may preclude further disputes; if they mean nothing but consequence to themselves, they will insist upon these points being given up simply, without any reciprocal engagement; and as soon as this is done, begin to attack whatever is left, in order to continue the ferment of the country. In one word, what I want to guard against is Jonathan Wild’s plan of seizing one part in order to dispute afterwards about the remainder.”(127) Lord Rockingham, writing in an exactly similar strain, said: “that the essential points of the Irish demands having first been conceded, it would be the duty of both countries to consider how finally to arrange, settle, and adjust all matters, whereby the union of power and strength, and mutual and reciprocal advantage, might be best permanently fixed;” and he spoke favourably of the appointment of “Commissioners” on both sides, to draw up the heads of an agreement between the two countries.(128) Of a similar character was the language of Lord Shelburne. “If,” he said, writing to the Duke of Portland, on the day following that on which Fox had addressed the Chief Secretary, “the ties by which the two kingdoms have been hitherto so closely united are to be loosened or cut asunder, is your Grace yet prepared to advise whether any, and if so what, substitutions are thought of for the preservation of the remaining connection between us? If by the proposed modification of Poynings’ Law, so much power is taken from the two Privy Councils as they are now constituted, are we to look for any agreement in any new institution of Council, which may answer the purpose of keeping up the appendancy and connection of Ireland to the Crown of Great Britain, and of preventing that confusion which must arise in all cases of common concern from two Parliaments with distinct and equal powers, and without any operating centre.”(129)