The New Irish Constitution: An Exposition and Some Arguments
History
The New Irish Constitution: An Exposition and Some Arguments
Home rule -- Ireland; Ireland -- Politics and government
Subsequently at the time of the Union a controversy arose in regard to
these events. Mr. Pitt asserted that the adjustment of 1782 was not
considered by the British Ministers by whom it was effected as final in
its character; but that, on the contrary, they were fully convinced of the
necessity of adopting some further measures to strengthen the connection
between the two countries, and he produced the correspondence which had
passed in 1782—extracts from which have been given above—as a reply to the
lame attempt of General Fitzpatrick, who was still in Parliament, to deny
that any such negotiation had been desired by the members of Lord
Rockingham’s Ministry. General Fitzpatrick had declined to admit more than
that the Duke of Portland, during his residence in Ireland, might have
entertained a vague idea of some farther arrangement for consolidating the
connection with Ireland, but had soon given it up; and Grattan in the
Irish Parliament openly accused Lord Shelburne and the Duke of having
concealed their views from their colleagues, and said that, above all, Mr.
Fox knew nothing of the project contained in the despatch of June
6th.(138) The truth is, that the Rockingham Ministry was in June a house
divided against itself, owing to differences of opinion as to the peace
negotiation with France and the United States, and was almost in the
actual throes of dissolution. From a letter written by Fox in 1799 to
Fitzpatrick, it certainly appears that the so-called “Ogilvy” negotiation
never was communicated to him.(139) But the assertion of Mr. Pitt went far
beyond the Ogilvy negotiation—if negotiation it can be called. What Mr.
Pitt asserted was, not that the correspondence proved that in June, 1782,
the Ministers were actually intending to enter on any such negotiation,
but that the Prime Minister, the Lord-Lieutenant, and both Secretaries of
State, from the very commencement of the correspondence in April,
considered the arrangement insisted on by Grattan deficient, and lacking
in finality, and were only prevented by the stress of adverse
circumstances and the impracticable character of the Irish leaders, from
trying to negotiate an agreement, by which Ireland should acknowledge that
“the superintending power and supremacy were where Nature had placed
them”—viz., in the Government of Great Britain.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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