The New Irish Constitution: An Exposition and Some Arguments
History
The New Irish Constitution: An Exposition and Some Arguments
Home rule -- Ireland; Ireland -- Politics and government
“We will never make any impression on the House,” he said, “until
we interfere in English business. At present Englishmen manage
their own affairs in their own way, without any interference from
us. Then, when we want to get our business through, they stop us.
We ought to show them that two can play at this game of
obstruction. Let us interfere in English legislation; let us show
them that if we are not strong enough to get our own work done, we
are strong enough to prevent them from getting theirs.”(159)
Mr. Ronayne found in Mr. Joseph Gillis Biggar an apt pupil. Mr. Biggar
used to say: “The English stop our Bills. Why don’t we stop their Bills?
That’s the thing to do. No Irish Bills; but stop English Bills. No
legislation; that’s the policy, sir, that’s the policy. Butt’s a fool, too
gentlemanly; we’re all too gentlemanly.” Mr. Biggar’s oratory is happily
now only a tradition. It was not good oratory of any kind, but it effected
its purpose. More skilful exponents of the art of obstruction have
appeared since Mr. Biggar’s day, but none more successful. The expedient
may have been justifiable in the case of a small minority struggling
unavailingly against an overwhelming and indifferent majority. It is quite
true that during the mild reign of Mr. Butt the British political parties
treated legislative proposals emanating from the Irish Parliamentary Party
with scant courtesy. It is equally true that obstruction in the House of
Commons proved a potent incentive to the more careful consideration of
Irish claims. We have travelled far since those days, but obstruction
remains as one of the most formidable weapons in the armoury of an
opposition. The British political parties have, when in opposition, made
full use of a device that Mr. Butt regarded as “undignified, useless, and
mischievous.” And not only is obstruction with us, but its hateful if
necessary corollary, the closure, has tended every year to become more
oppressive. The parliamentary historian of the future will note that it
was on June 10th, 1887, that “closure by guillotine,” that monstrous
variant of an accursed type, was first proposed in the House of Commons. A
few days later the guillotine fell on several of the most important
clauses of a new Crimes Bill. So closely associated with Ireland are the
most recent and most detrimental changes in the procedure that governs the
debates in our Imperial Parliament!
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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