The New South: A Chronicle of Social and Industrial Evolution — John Shaqi
The New South: A Chronicle of Social and Industrial EvolutionThompson, Holland
History
The New South: A Chronicle of Social and Industrial Evolution
Thompson, Holland
Southern States -- Economic conditions; Southern States -- History -- 1865-1951; Southern States -- Social conditions
The ordinary arrangement of share tenancy under which the negro in the
cotton belt now works provides that the landowner shall furnish a cabin
in which the family may live and an acre or two for a garden. In
addition, working stock, implements, and seed are supplied by the owner
of the land. Both tenant and owner share the cost of fertilizers if any
are used, and divide equally the expenses of preparing the crop for
market and the proceeds of the sale. This arrangement means, of course,
that the capitalist takes the laborer into a real partnership. Both
embark in a venture the deferred results of which are dependent chiefly
upon the industry and good faith of the laborer. By a seeming paradox it
is only the laborer's unreliability which gives him such an opportunity,
for if he were more dependable, the landowner would prefer in most cases
to pay wages and take the whole of the crop. Because the average negro
laborer cannot be depended upon to be faithful, he is given a greater
opportunity, contrary to all ordinary moral maxims.
When the share tenant lives on the land he may be a part of two
different systems. There are some large plantations over which the
owners or managers exercise close supervision. The horses or, more
generally, the mules are housed in large common stables or sheds and are
properly looked after. Some attempt is made to see that tools and
implements are kept in order. If the tenant falls behind in his work and
allows his crop to be overrun with grass or is unable to pick the cotton
as it opens, the owner hires help, if possible, and charges the cost
against the tenant. In other words, the owner attempts to apply to
agriculture some of the principles of industrial organization. The
success of such attempts varies. The negro tenant generally resents
close supervision; but on the other hand he enjoys the community life of
a large plantation. In the end, in the majority of cases the personal
equation determines whether the negro stays or moves.
At the other extreme is the landowner who turns over his land to the
negro and hopes for some return. If the tenant is industrious and
ambitious, the landowner gets something and is relieved of the trouble
of supervision. Often, however, he finds at the end of the year that the
mules have deteriorated from being worked through the day and driven or
ridden over the country at night; the tools and implements are broken or
damaged; and the fences have been used for firewood, though an abundant
supply could have been obtained by a few hours' labor. Very often the
landlord's share of the small crop will not really compensate him for
the depreciated value of his property, for land rented without
supervision is likely to decrease in fertility and to bring in meager
returns.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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