The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915: What Americans Say to EuropeVarious
Philosophy
The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915: What Americans Say to Europe
Various
World War, 1914-1918
This being unquestionably true, it is by no means improbable that in the
interview which follows, fruit of two evenings in Dr. Butler's library,
may be found the most important speculative utterance yet to appear in
relation to the general European war.
Dr. Butler's estimate of the place which the United States now holds
upon the stage of the theatre of world progress and his forecast of the
tremendously momentous role which she is destined to play there must
make every American's heart first swell with pride and then thrill with
a realization of responsibility.
The United States of Europe, modeled after and instructed by the United
States of America! The thought is stimulating.
Said Dr. Butler:
"The European cataclysm puts the people of the United States in a unique
and tremendously important position. As neutrals we are able to observe
events and to learn the lesson that they teach. If we learn rightly we
shall gain for ourselves and be able to confer upon others benefits far
more important than any of the material advantages which may come to us
through a shrewd handling of the new possibilities in international
trade.
"I hesitate to discuss any phase of the great conflict now raging in
Europe. By today's mail, for example, I received long, personal letters
from Lord Haldane, from Lord Morley, from Lord Weardale, and from Lord
Bryce. Another has just come from Prof. Schiemann of Berlin, perhaps the
Emperor's most intimate adviser; another from Prof. Lamasch of Austria,
who was the Presiding Judge of the British-American arbitration in
relation to the Newfoundland fisheries a few years ago, and is a member
of the Austrian House of Peers. Still others are from M. Ribot, Minister
of Finance in France, and M. d'Estournelles de Constant. These
confidential letters give a wealth of information as to the intellectual
and political forces that are behind the conflict.
"You will understand, then, that without disloyalty to my many friends
in Europe, I could not discuss with freedom the causes or the progress
of the war, or speculate in detail about the future of the European
problem. My friends in Germany, France, and England all write to me with
the utmost freedom and not for the public eye; so you see that my great
difficulty, when you ask me to talk about the meaning of the struggle,
arises from the obligation that I am under to preserve a proper personal
reserve regarding the great figures behind the vast intellectual and
political changes which really are in the background of the war.
"If such reserve is necessary in my case, it seems to me that it also is
necessary for the country as a whole. The attitude of the President has
been impeccable. That of the whole American press and people should be
the same.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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