The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915: What Americans Say to EuropeVarious
Philosophy
The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915: What Americans Say to Europe
Various
World War, 1914-1918
The misdeeds of individual soldiers are difficult to verify. While these
are always exaggerated, it remains the sad truth that every big army
contains a certain percentage of ruffians, and that when these ruffians
are let loose in a community, with weapons and with military power
behind them, bad things are done. It is my own belief that the material
in the German Army (which is the best fighting machine that the world
has ever seen) will compare favorably with that of any army in the
world, and that the percentage of wrongful acts on the part of the
German soldiers has been small. Such misdeeds, sometimes to be
characterized as atrocities, are the inevitable result of war, and they
bring a grave responsibility upon a Government which (to accept as well
founded the frank utterances of the leaders of opinion in Germany) has
initiated this war for the purpose of "crushing France and of breaking
up the British Empire."
You appear to think that it is in order for Germany to visit upon
unoffending Belgians reprisal for the misdeeds (as far as such misdeeds
may be in evidence) committed by Russians in East Prussia. I cannot see
that this contention is in accord with justice or with common sense.
GEORGE HAVEN PUTNAM.
New York, Oct. 28, 1914.
"The United States of Europe"
INTERVIEW WITH NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER.
Dr. Butler is President of Columbia University; received
Republican electoral vote for Vice President of the United
States, 1913; President of American Branch of Conciliation
Internationale; President American Historical Association;
Trustee Carnegie Endowment for International Peace; Commander
Order of the Red Eagle (with Star) of Prussia; Commandeur de
Legion d'Honneur of France.
By Edward Marshall.
The United States of Europe.
Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia University, firmly
believes that the organization of such a federation will be the outcome,
soon or late, of a situation built up through years of European failure
to adjust government to the growth of civilization.
He thinks it possible that the ending of the present war may see the
rising of the new sun of democracy to light a day of freedom for our
transatlantic neighbors.
He tells me that thinking men in all the contending nations are
beginning vividly to consider such a contingency, to argue for it or
against it; in other words, to regard it as an undoubted possibility.
Dr. Butler's acquaintance among those thinking men of all shades of
political belief is probably wider than that of any other American, and
it is significant of the startling importance of what he says that by
far the greater number of his European friends, the men upon whose views
he has largely, directly or indirectly, based his conclusions, are not
of the socialistic or of any other revolutionary or semi-revolutionary
groups, but are among the most conservative and most important figures
in European political, literary, and educational fields.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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