The origin of the family, private property, and the state — John Shaqi
The origin of the family, private property, and the stateEngels, Friedrich
Philosophy
The origin of the family, private property, and the state
Engels, Friedrich
Families -- History; Morgan, Lewis Henry, 1818-1881. Ancient society; Prehistoric peoples; Property -- History; State, The
Advocates of vegetarianism may, of course, challenge this statement and
show that all the testimony of anthropology is not in favor of the
meat-eaters. It must also be admitted that diet is not the only
essential factor in environment which influences the development of
races. And there is no conclusive evidence to prove the absolute
superiority of one diet over another. Neither have we any proofs that
cannibalism ever was in general practice. It rather seems to have been
confined to limited groups of people in especially ill-favored
localities or to times of great scarcity of food. Hence we can neither
refer to cannibalism as a typical stage in human history, nor are we
obliged to accept the vegetarian hypothesis of a transition from a meat
diet to a plant diet as a condition sine qua non of higher human
development.
CHAPTER II.
THE FAMILY.
Morgan, who spent the greater part of his life among the Iroquois in the
State of New York and who had been adopted into one of their tribes, the
Senecas, found among them a system of relationship that was in
contradiction with their actual family relations. Among them existed
what Morgan terms the syndyasmian or pairing family, a monogamous state
easily dissolved by either side. The offspring of such a couple was
identified and acknowledged by all the world. There could be no doubt to
whom to apply the terms father, mother, son, daughter, brother, sister.
But the actual use of these words was not in keeping with their
fundamental meaning. For the Iroquois addresses as sons and daughters
not only his own children, but also those of his brothers; and he is
called father by all of them. But the children of his sisters he calls
nephews and nieces, and they call him uncle. Vice versa, an Iroquois
woman calls her own children as well as those of her sisters sons and
daughters and is addressed as mother by them. But the children of her
brothers are called nephews and nieces, and they call her aunt. In the
same way, the children of brothers call one another brothers and
sisters, and so do the children of sisters. But the children of a sister
call those of her brother cousins, and vice versa. And these are not
simply meaningless terms, but expressions of actually existing
conceptions of proximity and remoteness, equality or inequality of
consanguinity.
These conceptions serve as the fundament of a perfectly elaborated
system of relationship, capable of expressing several hundred different
relations of a single individual. More still, this system is not only
fully accepted by all American Indians--no exception has been found so
far--but it is also in use with hardly any modifications among the
original inhabitants of India, among the Dravidian tribes of the Dekan
and the Gaura tribes of Hindostan.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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