The Origins and Destiny of Imperial Britain: Nineteenth Century EuropeCramb, J. A. (John Adam)
History
The Origins and Destiny of Imperial Britain: Nineteenth Century Europe
Cramb, J. A. (John Adam)
Great Britain -- Colonies -- Administration -- History -- 19th century; Imperialism; War
His foreign policy was a return to that of Catherine the Great--the
restoration of the Byzantine Empire. Making admirable use of the
Hellenic enthusiasm of Canning, he destroyed the Turkish fleet at
Navarino. Thus popular at home and abroad, regarded by the Liberals of
Europe as the restorer of Greek freedom, and by the Legitimists as a
stronger successor to Alexander, he was able to crush the Poles.
Enthusiastic Berlin students carried the effigies of Polish leaders in
triumph; but not a sword was drawn. England, France, Austria looked on
silent at the work of Diebitch and Paskievitch, "my two mastiffs," as
the Czar styled them, and the true "_finis Poloniae_" had come. A
Russian Army marching against Kossuth, and the Czar's demand for the
extradition of the heroic Magyar, unmasked the despot. Yet his
European triumph was complete, and the war in the Crimea seemed his
crowning chance--the humiliating of the two Powers which in his eyes
represented Liberty and the Revolution. Every force that personal
rancour, and the devotion of years to one sole end, every measure that
reason and State policy could dictate, lent their aid to stimulate the
efforts of the monarch in this enterprise. The disaster was sudden,
overwhelming, irremediable. Yet in one thing his life was a success,
and that a great one--he had Russianised Russia.
The Crimean War marks a turning-point in the History of Europe only
less significant than the Revolution of 1848. The isolating force of
religion was annulled, and the slowly increasing influence of the East
upon the West affected even the routine of diplomacy. The hopes of the
Carlists and the Jesuits in Spain were frustrated, and Austria,
deprived of the reward of her neutrality, could look no more to the
Muscovite for aid in crushing Italian freedom, as she had crushed
Hungary. From his deep chagrin at the treason of the Powers, Cavour
seemed to gather new strength and a political wisdom which sets his
name with those of the greatest constructive statesmen of all time.
The defeat at Novara was avenged, the policy of Villafranca, and the
designs of that singular saviour of society, Louis Napoleon, were
checked. Venetia was recovered, and when in 1870 the lines around Metz
and Sedan withdrew the French bayonets which hedged in Pio Nono, Victor
Emmanuel entered Rome as King of Italy. Thirty years have passed since
the 20th September, and the burdens of taxation and military sacrifices
which Italy has borne, with the prisoner in the Vatican like a
conspirator on her own hearth, can be compared only with the burdens
which Prussia endured for the sake of glory and her kings before and
after Rossbach. But instead of a Rossbach, Italy has had an Adowa;
instead of justice, a corrupt official class and an army of judges who
make justice a mockery, anarchism in her towns, a superstitious
peasantry, an aristocracy dead to the future and to the memory of the
past.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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