The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politicsLion, Aline
Philosophy
The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politics
Lion, Aline
Italy -- Politics and government -- 1914-1945; Partito nazionale fascista (Italy); Political science; State, The
The economic form of activity we easily recognise as individual,
hedonistic, utilitarian, and economic; the moral form is just as
easily identified. To be moral, an action must first satisfy us as
individuals occupying a definite point of time and space, and must also
satisfy in us the transcendental being who defies time and space. Croce
having made this distinction absolutely clear, could face the question
concerning the nature of law.
To him law is a _volitional act_ concerning a _class_ of actions.
Therefore, where the volitional element or the element of class is
wanting, there cannot be law. Obviously, however, the law is abstract;
the act of will is, according to Croce, always of the individual,
and the element of class is sufficient to deprive the law of anything
like concrete life, be it an individual law or a social law. Since
the freedom of human actions is logically bound up with his notion
of practical activity, it is impossible to object that there is an
essential difference between the programme of life laid down by any
single man for himself, the programme of action laid down by any
association, and the laws laid down by the state, the first being
merely a matter of acceptance and the last relying on compulsion.
Indeed, it is obvious enough that by compulsion one usually means
the alternative of complying with the law or facing a penalty. Such
alternative is the ground of a choice, and the citizen usually chooses,
but always freely chooses, to obey the law rather than endure the
penalty. The fact that some men do rebel is sufficient to prove that
freedom cannot be abolished by compulsion.
Then what is the essential difference between individual and social
law? An attempt is usually made to differentiate them by saying that
the latter has emanated from and is sustained by a _supreme power_. But
where is the seat of this supreme power? Surely not in anything like a
super-individual, dominating individuals. It is only to be found in the
individuals themselves. And in this case its power and value correspond
with the power of the individuals who compose it; it is the law of a
circle empirically considered to be larger and stronger, but whose will
is law in so far as the individuals composing it spontaneously conform
to such a will, because they recognise the convenience of doing so.
Monarchs who believed themselves to be all-powerful, have realised
at certain moments that their power rested in a universal consensus
of opinion, failing which their power vanished, or was reduced to a
gesture of solitary command, not far from being ridiculous.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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