The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politicsLion, Aline
Philosophy
The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politics
Lion, Aline
Italy -- Politics and government -- 1914-1945; Partito nazionale fascista (Italy); Political science; State, The
final success of their enterprise was more likely to be ensured by an
intelligent interpretation of tradition than by the application of
exotic doctrines that did not fit any of the historical characteristics
of the country.
The same singleness of vision was to prove blinding in regard to
several other points; but it will be enough to state here that the fact
that the men who had sacrificed themselves to the cause of unity had
all been gentlemen, led those in power to consider the higher classes
as exclusively constituting the nation they had brought into being. The
rest were politically non-existent; and in the haste to develop the
commercial and industrial possibilities of the country a good deal too
much was done to enthrone capital and invite thereby the advent of
Socialism.
Finally, another cause of trouble—indeed, another consequence of the
same lack of political tradition and education—was the impossibility
of forming proper party organisations. Who was Left—and who was Right?
Discrimination was impossible. Parties, like all historical organisms,
are called into being and developed according to, and in consequence
of, the political development of the country. In Italy they had to be
produced, planned and organised all at once, by the mere empirical
decisions of men, who, whatever their ability, or the loftiness of
their ideals, could not avoid the arbitrariness and the errors to
which the best individual men are subject, limited as their views are
by their personal feelings or ambitions. Therefore, what happened
was this: some followers of Mazzini who had joined the Liberals in
the struggle for liberty, stood out as republicans; some who had
followed Garibaldi and who had for ten years longed to take Rome from
the Pope, became anti-clerical democrats; the rest were not to be
clearly distinguished from one another because a man who was a staunch
monarchist may have been in the same time anti-Catholic if he was a
Freemason, whilst another might have had strong democratic tendencies
and yet stand for tradition. The best instance of this may have been
Crispi: he belonged to the Left, and certainly often acted and felt
like a man of the Right.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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