The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politicsLion, Aline
Philosophy
The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politics
Lion, Aline
Italy -- Politics and government -- 1914-1945; Partito nazionale fascista (Italy); Political science; State, The
Thank God, however, “_le coeur a des raisons que la raison ne connaît
pas_,” and some of these men, Corradini above all, were men with
great hearts and deep souls. Out of faith and love of their country
they realised what their conception of political reality would have
kept them from seeing, namely that the root of all the evil was that
the people of Italy had almost allowed the stifling of their souls.
Religion in some provinces had been, so to speak, extirpated by the
anti-Catholic democrats, republicans and radicals; both religion
and patriotism had been lulled to sleep by the Socialists. The only
political cell still living and strong was the family. The Nationalists
were beset by another cause of sterility, the men these leaders
recruited ... did they share their religious and truly patriotic
motives? All did not, and that was the misery of it. Yet Corradini and
some others were men of faith, just as much as Cavour and Mazzini had
been; they could get men to join them in holding aloft a torch whose
flame flickered in the cold twilight of Garibaldi’s Italy. They kept
the sacred fire of Rome burning, and openly preached self-sacrifice,
whilst great artists and sceptic scholars invited the youth of the
upper class to enjoy life and shut themselves up in selfish existence.
The Nationalists were men of faith, and as everything is possible to
him that believeth, they kept working for their cause a certain number
of followers who had joined them in the hope that better openings
would be obtained for the export of Italian products and for Italian
emigrants if a strong Nationalist foreign policy could be substituted
for the existing weak one. For the Nationalists the nation was a
transcendent reality, objectively considered as to the individual. Such
conception is not peculiar to Italy by any means; yet it was modified
in its Italianisation, but always in a way that made it more and more a
policy for the gentry. A good deal of culture (I don’t mean philosophy,
but a true sense of history and a sound judgment) was at the basis of
it, and this did not tend to make it a popular movement. To sacrifice
oneself to something transcendent, to an historical construction, is
not for the mob: not even for the lower middle classes, absorbed as
they are by the problems of daily life.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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