The People's Palace and the Religious World: or, thoughts on public agitation against the promised charter to the new Crystal Palace Company, and on "Sabbath desecration" — John Shaqi
The People's Palace and the Religious World: or, thoughts on public agitation against the promised charter to the new Crystal Palace Company, and on "Sabbath desecration"Layman
Religion
The People's Palace and the Religious World: or, thoughts on public agitation against the promised charter to the new Crystal Palace Company, and on "Sabbath desecration"
Layman
Crystal Palace (Sydenham, London, England); Sunday legislation -- Great Britain
It may further be urged, that Government have no right to refuse, on
religious grounds, a privilege which it happens to be at their discretion
to confer. To upholders of the principle of a State religion this
argument will, of course, not avail. They will maintain that the Queen
is the Head of the Church, which, by a legal fiction, includes the
nation; and that, therefore, the exercise of her influence in this matter
is perfectly legitimate. But where is the educated man who, in the
present day, advocates the _theory_ of a church establishment in all its
entirety—that is, who would insist upon the duty of the State to maintain
“the truth,” or, in other words, to exclude all Dissenters and Catholics
from Parliament, and repeal the Toleration Act? The present system of
toleration is confessedly a half-way house to full religious freedom. So
long as Dissent in any shape is recognised by the Government, that
Government—which, for civil purposes, represents the whole community, and
is, moreover, virtually chosen and controlled by a power composed of
diverse religious elements—has no right to make itself the partisan of
any religious opinions. It has long given up the principle in practical
legislation, and the nation has ratified the decision. It is really
surprising that any Dissenters, the fundamental principle of whose
nonconformity is the repudiation of State interference in religious
matters, can, by any sophistry, reconcile their minds to such a violation
of it as is involved in the demand made upon Government to become the
organ of particular religious views on the Sabbath.
“Oh! but,” these Sabbatarians will, doubtless, reply, “we only call upon
the Crown to preserve the Sabbath as a civil institution—a day of rest
from toil—a barrier to the encroachments of ‘money-getting’ companies and
capitalists.” This style of argument is very much like begging the
question. It is simply a claim that the State should accept _their_
definition of what constitutes “a day of rest.” Is it not an enormous
fallacy for religious men to seek to impose upon Government their
interpretation of the Sabbath,—which, moreover, it cannot be denied, is
at variance with that of the bulk of the population,—and require that on
“civil” grounds it shall have the force of law upon the nation?
Cessation from labour, and the observance of certain religious duties,
are by no means one and the same thing. The former may be perfectly
consistent with an excursion into the country, or recreation amid the
woodland scenery of Sydenham—which is the precise thing the religious
agitators, repudiate, and are trying to prevent. The argument has force
only when applied to the case of the servants of the new company, who
will be required to perform certain work on the Sabbath; but even to it
is exceptional; for there _are_ cases in which even the most rigid
Sabbatarians would admit of deviations from its conclusions.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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