(2) _The functional or occupational type_ of caste. This is the form of caste best known to Europeans, because, since the first European missionaries and traders visited those parts of India where the caste system has had the longest opportunity to evolve, they came most into contact with this, which is probably the oldest and most elaborated form of caste. The Hindu theory of caste encouraged the adoption of special occupations, and now the evolution has proceeded so far that change of occupation may usually result in a change of caste. A remarkable instance of this is found in the Marāthi districts of the Central Provinces. Here is a separate and newly formed caste of village servants called Gārpagāri, "hail-averters," whose business it is to protect the village crops from hailstorms. Shepherds who take to tillage break away from their pastoral brethren, and so on. Even those who retain their traditional occupations are wont to adopt more seemly-sounding names than those that belong to their trade. I have known barbers who called themselves Chandra-vaidyas[2], which is a promotion more subtle than a mere ascent to the status of "hair-dresser," and washermen who have followed suit by dubbing themselves Sukla-vaidya, a word of which "white-worker" is a crude but sufficiently suggestive translation. (3) The _sectarian type_ is a singularly interesting example of the strong social influence of Hindu sentiment. Nearly all new Hindu sects begin by renouncing caste in the enthusiastic following of some single deity, some new explanation of the mysteries of life, and love, and death. These sects are usually the followers of some reforming theorist, whose leadership is apt to become hereditary. Such sects almost always believe that all men are equal, or at all events, that all who accept their doctrines are equal. One of my most interesting recollections is of a now distant interview with a buxom middle-aged lady, the hereditary leader of the Kartā-bhajās of Central Bengal. She sat unveiled, and was accessible to all who, like myself, were interested in the community over which she exercised a firm but good-natured control. It is a picturesque detail that her chosen seat when receiving visitors was an ancient European four-poster bedstead. Her followers (and revenues) were growing rapidly, increased chiefly by the democratic instinct which, even in India, revolts against social prestige. But it would seem that when such a sect grows and spreads, the old separatist ideas reassert themselves, and the sect breaks up into smaller endogamous communities, whose status depends on the original position of the members in Hinduism. The most remarkable instance of this kind is furnished by the great Lingayat caste of Bombay, which contains over two and a half millions of members. In the twelfth century the Lingayats were a sect who believed in the equality of all men. In Mr P. J. Mead's Bombay Census Report for 1911 is a very interesting account of the present