The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 01 of 55: 1493-1529; Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century
History
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 01 of 55: 1493-1529; Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century
Demarcation line of Alexander VI; Missions -- Philippines; Philippines -- Discovery and exploration; Philippines -- History -- Sources
Other changes were the establishment of direct communication with
Spain and trade with Europe by a national vessel in 1766. [109] These
expeditions lasted till 1783 and their place was taken in 1785 by the
Royal Philippine Company, organized with a capital of $8,000,000, and
granted the monopoly of the trade between Spain and the islands. [110]
The Manila merchants resented the invasion of their monopoly of the
export trade, and embarrassed the operations of the company as much
as they could. [111] It ceased to exist in 1830.
By this system for two centuries the South American market for
manufactures was reserved exclusively for Spain, but the protection did
not prevent Spanish industry from decay and did retard the well-being
and progress of South America. Between Mexico and the Philippines a
limited trade was allowed, the profits of which were the perquisites
of the Spaniards living in the Philippines and contributed to the
religious endowments. But this monopoly was of no permanent advantage
to the Spanish residents. It was too much like stock-jobbing, and
sapped all spirit of industry. Zúñiga says that the commerce made a
few rich in a short time and with little labor, but they were very few;
that there were hardly five Spaniards in Manila worth $100,000, nor a
hundred worth $40,000, the rest either lived on the King's pay or in
poverty. [112] "Every morning one could see in the streets of Manila,
in the greatest poverty and asking alms, the sons of men who had made a
fine show and left much money, which their sons had squandered because
they had not been well trained in youth." [113] The great possibilities
of Manila as an entrepot of the Asiatic trade were unrealized; for
although the city enjoyed open trade with the Chinese, Japanese,
and other orientals, [114] it was denied to Europeans and the growth
of that conducted by the Chinese and others was always obstructed
by the lack of return cargoes owing to the limitations placed upon
the trade with America and to the disinclination of the Filipinos to
work to produce more than was enough to insure them a comfortable
living and pay their tributes. That the system was detrimental to
the economic progress of the islands was always obvious and its evils
were repeatedly demonstrated by Spanish officials. Further it was not
only detrimental to the prosperity of the islands but it obstructed
the development of Mexico.
Grau y Monfalcon in 1637 reported that there were fourteen thousand
people employed in Mexico in manufacturing the raw silk imported
from China. This industry might be promoted by the relaxation of
the restrictions on trade. It would also be for the advantage of the
Indians of Peru to be able to buy for five pence a yard linen from
the Philippines, rather than to be compelled to purchase that of Rouen
at ten times the price. [115] But such reasoning was received then as
it often is now, and no great change was made for nearly two centuries.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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