The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 07 of 55: 1588-1591; Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of the Nineteenth Century
History
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 07 of 55: 1588-1591; Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of the Nineteenth Century
Demarcation line of Alexander VI; Missions -- Philippines; Philippines -- Discovery and exploration; Philippines -- History -- Sources
[32] The above instructions were intended doubtless for this
document. They occupy a separate sheet in the collection of documents,
but their position warrants this inference.
[33] The first sentence is the official endorsement by the Council;
the second, evidently that of the king; and the third, that of the
Council's secretary.
[34] The collection of documents of which the above forms a part
contains a letter from the licentiate Ayala to the king, under date
of June 25, 1590. As in so many letters from royal officials, Ayala
narrates his devotion to the king's service, and especially in the
Philippines, whither he had been ordered suddenly from the Canaries,
his previous post. He begs for a position in Mexico, and means to
return to that country. The king orders that one-half his salary be
given him.
[35] At that time, Java was supposed to contain two islands;
the western part, inhabited by the people of Sunda, was thought
to be separated by a river from the other, forming an entire
island. Trapobana is a misprint for Taprobana, the ancient name of
Sumatra; and Dacheu, for Achen (Achin).
[36] The cahiz is equal to twelve fanégas, or nearly nineteen and
one-fifth bushels.
[37] Villamanrique was removed from his post in 1589, and in his stead
as viceroy of Nueva España was appointed Luis de Velasco, Conde de
Santiago, a son of the second viceroy; he reached Mexico on Jan. 25,
1590. "The country made steady progress in every branch of industry
during Velasco's rule; political, commercial, and social conditions
were improved, and prosperity prevailed." (Bancroft, _Hist. Mexico_,
ii, p. 766.) He held the office until 1595, when he was appointed
viceroy of Peru.
[38] Miguel de Benavides was born about 1550, and came to the
Philippines as one of the first Dominican missionaries (1587). Soon
after his return from China, he sailed (1591) for Spain, where he
acted as procurator of his province. Early in 1598, he returned
to the Philippines as bishop of Nueva Segovia; but the archbishop
Santibañez dying in that same year (Aug. 14), he was succeeded by
Benavides. Under his administration was begun the college of Santo
Tomás at Manila. He died there July 26, 1605.
[39] Regarding the numbers of Chinese residents at Manila, see
Salazar's own statement in his account of the Parián (p. 230 _ante_.)
[40] The English pirate Candish, who plundered the "Santa Ana."
[41] _Fuerça_: as here used, indicates violence to law, done by
ecclesiastical judges; _see_ note 46, in _Vol_. V, p. 292.
[42] Reference is here made to the archbishop of Mexico, who
had ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the Philippines until the
archbishopric was created there. At the time when Salazar's letter
was written, the see of Mexico had no incumbent, the diocese being
governed by the dean and chapter.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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