The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 - Volume 40 of 55, 1690-1691: Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of the Nineteenth Century
History
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 - Volume 40 of 55, 1690-1691: Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of the Nineteenth Century
Demarcation line of Alexander VI; Missions -- Philippines; Philippines -- Discovery and exploration; Philippines -- History -- Sources
487. Their business and contracts were for the greater part illegal,
filled with usury, interest, and tricks; for each one thought only
of increasing his own profits, and paid no attention to his nearest
relatives. Consequently, loans with interest were very common and
generally practiced (and even yet this archipelago is not free from
this abuse, nor have the difficulties experienced in the confessional
ceased); and the interest increases to a very high figure, the debt
doubling and increasing for so long a time as the debt is delayed,
until it results that the debtor, his wealth, and his children, are
all slaves. Their general business was the bartering of one product
for another (and it is still much in vogue)--food, mantas, birds,
stock, lands, houses, fields, slaves, fisheries, palms, nipa-groves,
woodlands, and other similar products. Sometimes those products were
sold for a price, which was paid in gold, according to the terms of the
agreement. Thus they traded among themselves with the products of their
own lands, and with foreigners from other nations for products peculiar
to them; and for this they were wont to have their deferred payments,
their days of reckoning, and their bondsmen who were concerned
therein--but with exorbitant profits, because they were all usurers.
488. In regard to money of silver or gold they did not possess it
in that [early] time. Those metals were employed in their trading
only by the weight, which was used alone for silver and gold;
and that weight they called talaro, and was indicated by balances,
like ours. They reckoned and divided by this. And after they learned
about money they gave to each piece its proper name, taking the coin
that we call "tostòn," or "real of four," as the basis for greater
sums. This they called salapì, although that is the common term
for all kinds of money. They divided the salapì into two cahàtis,
the cahàtis into two seycapat, the seycapat into two seycávalos, the
seycávalo into two calatíos, the calatìo (which they call aliu) into
the cuding, etc. All this division was regulated by tostòns in this
manner: the cahàti signifies one-half tostòn; seycàpat, the fourth
part; seycávalo, the eighth; calatìo is the Tagálog cuartillo; [356]
and so on. In order to say "three reals," they say tatlongbahagui,
that is, three parts of the tostòn. From the tostòn on, they count up
to ten, and from ten to twenty, etc. Consequently, in their language
they use this expression for ours, saying, "I ask ten and one more,"
or "I ask one for twenty;" and so on. But now since they know what
pesos are, that is, reals of eight, some of them reckon by pesos,
which is more familiar to the Spaniards. But most of them do not
forget their salapìs, nor the method of reckoning used by the ancients.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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