The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 52, 1841-1898: Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century
History
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 52, 1841-1898: Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century
Demarcation line of Alexander VI; Missions -- Philippines; Philippines -- Discovery and exploration; Philippines -- History -- Sources
The reactionary party had partially regained the upper hand when
the mutiny occurred in Cavite in 1872. Instead of treating it as
its comparative insignificance demanded, and as prudent statecraft
would have counseled, they employed it as an excuse for vengeful
violence, as a means for resuming full control of Philippine policy,
and continued for twenty-five years thereafter to point to it as their
most useful "horrible example," as an evidence of what must follow
the inauguration, even in the slightest degree, of a liberal policy
in the government of the islands. Rightly or wrongly, the people of
that and the succeeding generation in the Tagálog provinces, and to a
less degree in the others, were schooled in racial resentment through
the belief that the native priests had been done to death, upon a
pretext of manufactured evidence, by the malevolence of the friars. The
proscription of the more conspicuous of the then small Liberal element
among the Filipinos had consequences of no less importance. Those
who were sent into exile for alleged complicity in the Cavite mutiny
were certain conspicuous half-castes and a few Spaniards of Philippine
birth or of long residence in the islands. The native element proper
was for the moment scarcely affected, even in Manila and its environs;
and no one has ever demonstrated that the few more advanced men of
Spanish blood who were moved by the revolution in Spain to take a stand
for Liberal measures in the Philippines were engaged in anything but
legitimate political discussion, or indeed that they talked of going
so far in this direction in the Philippines as had already been done
in the Peninsula. These proscriptions powerfully stimulated the idea
of a "Filipino cause." Some of the exiles escaped to Hongkong, and
there founded a Filipino colony. Others settled eventually in Europe;
the more progressive and ambitious Filipinos began sending their
sons to Madrid and Paris for education in contact with the thought
of modern Europe; and in these capitals, and later in Japan, little
Filipino colonies became centers of discussion of political reforms,
and through letters, publications in the Liberal periodicals of Spain,
and finally through their own books and periodicals of propaganda,
greatly influenced the growth of a public opinion in the backward
society of the Philippines. Spanish Masonry gradually extended the
circle of its initiations and of its secret operations (necessarily
secret to an extraordinary degree) in the islands. At first only
Spaniards had been admitted to a few lodges, then mestizos were
admitted, and finally natives of some degree of education without
regard to race. In the eighties and nineties, there seems to be
no doubt, a sort of independent Grand Lodge in Spain (asserted by
some to be of spurious Masonry), [60] managed by zealous Liberal
propagandists with whom certain of the Filipino propagandists in
Barcelona had associated themselves, directed the active organization
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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