The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 52, 1841-1898: Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century
History
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 52, 1841-1898: Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century
Demarcation line of Alexander VI; Missions -- Philippines; Philippines -- Discovery and exploration; Philippines -- History -- Sources
of lodges in as many Filipino towns as contained favorable material,
for the purpose of fostering in the islands a demand for political
reforms, of distributing the literature of the propaganda, and of
collecting funds to support the campaign in Spain for the extension of
greater social, political, and religious freedom to the Filipinos. The
Spaniards associated with this movement were for the most part men
of no standing and quixotic visionaries. Some of the Filipinos who
figured in the propaganda abroad were quite as unpractical, being
inexperienced and excitable youths, full of jealousy of each other,
while some few of them, moreover, misused the funds raised for them
by their fellows at home. The whole program for "assimilation" of the
Philippines to Spain as a province of the Peninsula, giving a distant
archipelago in the Orient with its widely different population, social
status, and economic conditions and needs, a government just like that
of European Spain was manifestly absurd and inimical to the interests
of the Filipinos themselves, not to add that its realization was an
utter impossibility. But these things should not have been allowed
to hide the justice of the demand for such reforms and privileges
as were practical and compatible with the needs and conditions of
the archipelago and its people: for a spokesman or spokesmen of the
Philippines in the Cortes at Madrid; for reforms in judiciary and
fundamental laws, not blindly copied from those promulgated in Spain
but adapted to the Philippines, or if necessary especially drafted for
them; for administrative reforms, above all as to the civil service
and looking toward an increasing recognition of the native element in
government, and toward a decentralization that should be gradually
extended as far as deeply rooted habits and long-standing customs
would permit; and, finally, for greater individual and social freedom,
both in a political and a religious sense. This last was really the
crux of the whole situation, so far as the continuance of Spanish
sovereignty should not come to depend purely on force. In the old
days it had rested on religious teachings, on the friars in fact,
with the sense of race-prestige in the background to support Spanish
authority. It was futile for the friars to cry out for a return
to the old conditions, and to denounce as dangerous any reforms
in the direction of freedom of thought or of speech; the pages of
history could not be turned back. The idea of future independence
from Spain was, to be sure, in the minds of some at least of the
Filipino propagandists. But their present campaign was for greater
political liberty, and the measures they advocated, and even the
methods they employed almost to the last, would have been legitimate
in any free country--were, in fact, legitimate even then in the
Peninsula itself, where they could advocate publicly what they
must whisper among their fellows at home. The very fact that such
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