The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 52, 1841-1898: Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century
History
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 52, 1841-1898: Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century
Demarcation line of Alexander VI; Missions -- Philippines; Philippines -- Discovery and exploration; Philippines -- History -- Sources
The Katipunan.--We come now to the parting of the ways. Just as Marcelo
del Pilar had concluded that the time was at hand for more vigorous
measures, so on the other hand some of the Filipinos of education
and social position (cautious also, in some cases, because of their
property) had become discouraged and faint-hearted. The deportation
of Rizal had its effect in 1892, and the local government reforms of
1893-94 were followed by a reactionary government in Spain which might
nullify even such concessions, in the face of the constant demand for a
check upon the half-liberal régime of Blanco. Some of the middle-class
leaders of Manila, who had been drawn into the Masonic movement, had
decided that the time had come to organize the masses, at least in the
Tagálog provinces. Andrés Bonifacio, an employe of a foreign business
house in Manila, was the leading spirit; gathering his ideas of modern
reform from reading Spanish treatises on the French Revolution, he had
imbibed also a notion that the methods of the mob in Paris were those
best adapted to secure amelioration for the Filipinos. His ideas were
those of a socialist, and of a socialist of the French Revolution type,
and he thought them applicable to an undeveloped tropical country,
where the pressure of industrial competition is almost unknown,
and where with the slightest reasonable exertion starvation may be
dismissed from thought. There was in this new propaganda an element
of resentment toward the wealthy, upper-class Filipinos, the landed
proprietors in general, as well as toward the friar landlords and
the whole fabric of government and society resting on them. Summing
up all the evidence he has been able to obtain on the Katipunan, the
writer agrees with Felipe G. Calderón, a Filipino, in his opinion
[141] that its socialistic character negatives the assertion of
the Spanish writers that the upper-class Filipinos were its real
supporters and directors, working in the background; and that, while
this propaganda from below looked to independence and the substitution
of Spanish rule by Filipino rule, yet it was without any political
program, properly speaking, and there was merely a crude idea in
the minds of the masses that they were somehow going to shake off
their masters, get rid of the whites, and divide up the big estates
not only of the friars but of Filipino landholders as well. Calderón
does not discuss the alleged plan of the Katipunan to assassinate the
whites, especially the friars. It is certain that such bloodthirsty
ideas were in the minds of some of the leaders; but the more direct
documentary evidence that has been produced on this point is perhaps
open to the suspicion that it was manufactured in connection with
the courts-martial which operated with such fury after the outbreak
of revolt in 1896. [142] After all the furore that had been made, the
actual revelations as to the importance of the organization, character
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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