The Philosophical Theory of the StateBosanquet, Bernard
Philosophy
The Philosophical Theory of the State
Bosanquet, Bernard
Political science -- Philosophy; State, The -- Philosophy
Rousseau is discussing in chapter vii. the guarantees which exist
for a fulfilment of obligations by the sovereign (or whole) to its
members and by the members to the sovereign respectively. As regards
the obligation of the sovereign to its members, he runs straight
into the fallacy referred to in ch. I. He contends, that is to say,
that the whole is necessarily, by its constitution, that which it
ought to be, and being composed of all the individuals can have no
interest opposite to theirs as a whole, while, _qua_ sovereign, it
is debarred from any such special [1] action as might be hurtful
to any single individual. This presupposes that the whole always
acts according to its idea as a whole, and neither is “captured” by
individual interests nor transgresses the limits set to its action
by restriction to true public concerns. But if this were so, the
State would be perfectly wise and {95} good; and we do not need to
be told that a State, _qua_ wise and good, could do no injustice to
its members. The whole is of course liable to vices correlative to
those which Rousseau is about to guard against when they arise in the
individual.
[1] See below, p. 112.
And his view of individual disloyalty is decisive as to the vitality
of his conception of political unity.
“Indeed,” he says, “each individual may, as a man, have
a particular will contrary to or unlike the general will
which he has as citizen; his particular interest may
speak to him quite differently from the common interest;
his absolute and naturally independent existence may
make him regard what he owes to the common cause as a
gratuitous contribution, the loss of which would be
less injurious to others than its payment is burdensome
to himself; and considering the moral person which
constitutes the State as an abstraction (_être de
raison_) because it is not a man, he would enjoy the
rights of the citizen without consenting to fulfil the
duties of the subject--an injustice the progress of which
would cause the ruin of the body politic.”
“In order, then, that the social pact may not be a
vain formula, it tacitly includes the covenant, which
alone can confer binding force on the others, that
whoever shall refuse to obey the general will shall be
constrained to do so by the whole body, which means
nothing else than that he will be forced to be free.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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