The Philosophical Theory of the StateBosanquet, Bernard
Philosophy
The Philosophical Theory of the State
Bosanquet, Bernard
Political science -- Philosophy; State, The -- Philosophy
In this passage Rousseau lays bare the very heart of what some would
call political faith, and others political superstition. This lies
in the {96} conviction that the “moral person [1] which constitutes
the state” is a reality, as opposed to the natural idea that it is an
abstraction or fiction of the reflective mind (an “_ens rationis_,”
_être de raison_), because it is not an actual individual human
being. The theories of the first appearance, as we have called
them, are characterised by accepting as ultimate “the absolute and
naturally independent existence” of the physical individual, and
therefore regarding government as an encroachment on the self, and
force as oppression. Whereas, if the social person is taken as the
reality, it follows, as Rousseau points out, that force against the
physical individual may become a condition of freedom. We saw even in
Mill how extreme cases bring out the necessity for assuming a “real”
will at variance with the individual’s immediate desire. [2] There is
more to be said, of course, as to the limits within which force can
be so applied. [3]
[1] For the meaning of “person,” see account above, p. 93. Note
on the meaning of “moral” as here used that it is determined by a
general opposition to physical, as in “moral certainty.” None the
less, this use of “moral person” forms an interesting stage in the
advance from the physical individual through the legal “person”
towards the notion of a higher or greater self.
[2] The trivial case which he takes, of its being no curtailment to
freedom to keep a man off an untrustworthy bridge, as he certainly
does not want to be drowned, has received terrible illustration of
late (June, 1898) by the disaster at the launch of the “Albion.”
The disaster occurred because not enough force was used against the
passionate momentary eagerness of individuals, and in favour of what
it is fair to presume their real will would be.
[3] See below, ch. VIII.
It is worth while to cite here the whole of the short chapter viii.,
which draws out the {97} consequences of the above conception of a
social pact and of sovereignty.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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