The Philosophy of History, Vol. 2 of 2Schlegel, Friedrich von
Philosophy
The Philosophy of History, Vol. 2 of 2
Schlegel, Friedrich von
History; History -- Philosophy
I will now endeavour to give a short sketch of the general progress of
European society in this its first period of developement, and to
point out the then peculiar nature and constitution of the
Christian state;--from that epoch when Charlemagne laid the first
solid foundation for a permanent system of christian government and
christian manners, down to the moment when an anti-christian spirit of
discord broke out with incurable violence, and became universally
predominant. I will at the same time endeavour to take an historical
survey of the whole Christian West, as it has remained the theatre of
the subsequent progress of society, and of the great transactions of
the world down to our times.
In the blame so commonly lavished, (and not unreasonably, when we
consider the historical consequences,) on the customary divisions in
the Frankish or Carlovingian Empire, and the other German states, men
forget that according to the old Germanic idea, a kingdom was nothing
more than any other great family estate, or princely inheritance, and
governed, like these, by the same law of descent. This was so from the
earliest times among both the principal races of the Germans. In this
manner we find the nation of the Goths divided into two kingdoms; and
as the Saxons were with difficulty united under one head in their own
ancestral country on the Northern coast of Germany; so in the England
which they had conquered and newly peopled, we find seven
principalities or petty kingdoms of Anglo-Saxons co-existent with one
another; and these were only by accident reduced to a less number, and
but for a time blended into one sovereignty. We often ascribe to the
men, and to the spirit of those times, pretensions quite
inappropriate, inapplicable, and perfectly modern. So possessed are we
with the notion of our times as to the natural and eternal boundaries
of this or that country, of the predestination of a people to
political unity, or of the necessary national unity of every
state--notions or prejudices which are held as so many mathematical
axioms, in which we make the highest idea of policy to consist, to
which we ascribe an inviolable sanctity, and which in our reverence,
and in some cases, we might almost say--idolatry, we exalt above every
thing else, and would make every thing else subservient to. To the
simplicity of those ancient times, the excellence and advantages of a
mild, domestic, paternal, national sovereignty for the more convenient
administration of smaller states, appeared great, and superior to
every other consideration. Thus those who had to decide of themselves,
and without the imperious call of duty--without the feeling of a
strong necessity for undertaking, even at the sacrifice of a part at
least of their own national welfare, the heavy burden of the imperial
office, in that Christian empire evidently established by divine
Providence for the protection of the church, and all the nations
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