The philosophy of life, and philosophy of language, in a course of lecturesSchlegel, Friedrich von
Philosophy
The philosophy of life, and philosophy of language, in a course of lectures
Schlegel, Friedrich von
Language and languages -- Philosophy; Life; Philosophy
In the Christian West, indeed, both now and in the middle ages, the
predominant tendency to error inclined toward the side of anarchy. Among
the Mohammedan nations, on the contrary, from the very earliest days of
their religion, the despotic lust of conquest has been, as it were, an
inborn and homebred hereditary failing. It was indeed fed and encouraged
by their national creed. But here also the greatest changes have taken
place. The largest and most powerful of all the Mohammedan empires,
that, viz., in India, is entirely overthrown, and scarcely a vestige of
it remains in these times. By a natural revolution of things, the first
irresistible conquerors are now themselves conquered and brought under
the yoke of others. And so, too, on the other and western side of their
once wide rule, they who formerly threatened the existence of civilized
Europe are now dependent upon, essentially mixed up with, and owe their
political existence to, European policy and the balance of power. This
total change of the relative position of the Mohammedan states in
general belongs undoubtedly to the characteristic signs which so
peculiarly mark and distinguish our own age.
In the three centuries of modern history which fill up the interval
between the middle ages and the revolutionary epoch of our own days, the
moral constitution of the monarchy has been far more fully and clearly
developed than in any previous era. But the most striking event of this
period of history is furnished by the sad and melancholy phenomenon of
the religious wars. These were the lamentable consequence of the schism
in the faith, not indeed by any indispensable and necessary law, nor
even as its natural, but still its perfectly explicable, result. In
those lands where, as in England and France, there existed a weaker
party of either side, which had either been fully conquered or was kept
under by oppressive civil disabilities, this unhappy phenomenon assumed
the most revolting appearance. But the same state of things took a very
different turn in Germany. Here the religious disputes terminated in a
higher and a nobler result. In a long and fruitless struggle of thirty
years, which wasted and consumed the best energies of the nation, the
two contending parties were taught, that with so nicely-balanced
strength, no decisive result either way was to be expected. Coming at
length to a wiser mind, they acknowledged their respective rights, and
by a peaceable compromise they agreed to live together in the same
social community. This great and famous religious peace, which,
considered merely in the light of a treaty of general pacification, is a
master-piece of policy, without equal or parallel, and serving for the
basis for all subsequent treaties and questions of peace, is become for
Germany a species of inborn national necessity, and, as it were, a
second national character. She finds in it a full and perfect
compensation for many disadvantages she labors under as compared with
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