From these considerations, which seem to be most obvious, a not obvious consequence is to be drawn; namely, that it is perfectly vain to descant upon the utilitarian or moral character of laws, or of these or those laws; to ask oneself, for instance, whether the object of _punishment_ be _deterritio_ or _emendatio_; if _matrimony_ be an exchange of services or a sacrament, a union of interests or a society with moral ends; if the _State_ be the result of a contract or of a moral idea, and so on. These questions have an immense literature devoted to them, which has been accumulated for centuries, and although they be vain for us, yet they cannot be so for one who has not yet become clear as to the special forms of the practical activity and as to the nature of law. For him they are not vain, since they represent as it were in a concentrated form, the complete philosophical problem concerning the practical; although they must of necessity turn out to be insoluble. Punishment can be conceived and willed as a mere utilitarian menace, to prevent others from performing certain classes of actions, even if they be ethically of the highest value; or as moral solicitude for the amelioration of society and the individual himself who has erred, by obliging him to re-enter himself and change his mind. Even the pain of death can be directed to this end and death that has given or restored to the guilty a day, an hour, an instant of that human life, of that contact with the infinite, which he had lost, may be held not to have been in vain. Matrimony may be instituted for the more regular satisfaction of the sexual instinct and for other similar interests of utilitarian life; and also to secure, that interpénétration of souls, which is the great mover of the moral life. The State may arise from a mere contract which draws together isolated individuals and groups and unites them for defence and offence; and also form the profound moral aspiration of the individuals, who recognize the universal in themselves and are attentive to realize it in modes ever more rich and more lofty. All institutions, all laws may receive this double form; and although there be laws that are merely utilitarian, those that are moral are also, as is clear, utilitarian or economic, and therefore not useless but useful. An amoral man will make for himself amoral laws; and between an amoral man and an amoral woman no other marriage but that of interest is possible; and between a hundred amoral individuals, no other State is possible but that established by contract; and no other punishment will be applicable in such a State save that of mere _deterritio._ It will be objected that amoral individuals and multitudes do not exist, and it may be true that they do not exist in a continuous manner: but they do exist at certain moments; and this as we know, suffices to justify, indeed to prove necessary, our theory. [Sidenote: _Legislative activity as economic._]