The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen: An Exposition of the San Min Chu ILinebarger, Paul Myron Anthony
History
The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen: An Exposition of the San Min Chu I
Linebarger, Paul Myron Anthony
Sun, Yat-sen, 1866-1925. San min zhu yi
The governmental superstructure cemented the whole Chinese world together
in a formal manner; it did not create it. The family, the village, and the
_hui_ were fit subjects for imperial comment, but there was nothing in
their organization to persuade the student that the Emperor—by virtue of
some Western-type _Kompetenz Kompetenz_—could remove his sanction from
their existence and thereby annihilate them. There was no precarious legal
personality behind the family, the village, and the _hui_, which could be
destroyed by a stroke of law. It was possible for the English kings to
destroy the Highland clan of the MacGregor—“the proscribed name”—without
liquidating the members of the clan _in toto_. In China the Emperor beheld
a family as a quasi-individual, and when enraged at them was prone to wipe
them out with massacre. Only in a very few cases was it possible for him
to destroy an organization without destroying the persons composing it; he
could, for example, remove the privilege of a scholarship system from a
district, prefecture, or province without necessarily disposing of all the
scholars involved in the move. The government of China—which, in the
normal run of affairs, had no questions of policy, because policy was
traditional and inviolable—continued to be an administration dedicated to
three main ends—the maintenance of the ideology (education), the defense
of the society as a whole against barbarians (military affairs) and
against the adverse forces of nature (public works on the most
extensive—and not intensive—scale), and the collection of funds for the
fulfillment of the first two ends (revenue). The Emperor was also the
titular family head of the Chinese world.
The educational system was identical with the administrative, except in
the case of the foreign dynasties. (Under the Manchus, for example, a
certain quota of Manchu officials were assigned throughout the government,
irrespective of their scholastic rank in contrast to the Chinese.) It was
a civil service, an educational structure, and a ritualist organization.
Selected from the people at large, scholars could—at least in
theory—proceed on the basis of sheer merit to any office in the Empire
excepting the Throne. Their advancement was graduated on a very elaborate
scale of degrees, which could be attained only by the passing of
examinations involving an almost perfect knowledge of the literature of
antiquity and the ability to think in harmony with and reproduce that
literature. The Chinese scholar-official had to learn to do his own
thinking by means of the clichés which he could learn from the classics;
he had to make every thought and act of his life conform to the pattern of
the ideology. Resourceful men may have found in this a proper
fortification for their originality, as soon as they were able to cloak it
with the expressions of respect; mediocre persons were helpless beyond the
bounds of what they had learned.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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