The Political History of England - Vol XI: From Addington's Administration to the close of William IV.'s Reign (1801-1837)Brodrick, George C. (George Charles)
History
The Political History of England - Vol XI: From Addington's Administration to the close of William IV.'s Reign (1801-1837)
Brodrick, George C. (George Charles)
Great Britain -- History -- 1800-1837; Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1800-1837
July and August saw three new revolutions. A rebellion at Nola on July 2
ended in King Ferdinand of the Two Sicilies taking the oath on the 13th
to the Spanish constitution, then regarded as a model by the liberals of
Southern Europe. But the grant of a constitution to Naples suggested a
demand for independence at Palermo. On July 17-18 that city rose in
revolt and was only subdued by the Neapolitans in the beginning of
October. Portugal, too, was in a disturbed state. The royal family had
been absent for nearly thirteen years, and the country had for five
years been governed by Lord, afterwards Viscount, Beresford as marshal
and commander of the Portuguese army. In April, 1820, he sailed for
Brazil, intending to induce the king, John VI., to return. During his
absence a revolution took place at Oporto on August 24, a provisional
government was established, and all British officers were dismissed.
This was followed by a similar revolution at Lisbon on September 15.
Beresford on his return was forbidden to land, and retired to England.
On November 11, the Spanish constitution was proclaimed in Portugal, but
six days later another proclamation left the question of determining the
constitution to the cortes which were to be elected on a popular
suffrage.
The Neapolitan revolution raised at once the question of intervention.
In this case Castlereagh held that Austria had a right to interfere,
because her position as an Italian power was endangered by the
revolution, and because the revolution was a breach of the secret treaty
of 1815 which had received the sanction of the British government. He
still objected to any joint interference and was opposed to the
reference of the question to a congress. Austria could not have
interfered alone without offending the tsar, who clung to the principle
of joint action. The question of intervention was therefore postponed
for the present. France, however, being jealous of Austrian influence in
Italy, demanded the meeting of a congress, and such a meeting was
accordingly held at Troppau on October 20. To this congress Austria,
France, Prussia, and Russia sent plenipotentiaries. Great Britain
carried her opposition to joint interference so far as to refuse to join
in the deliberations, though Sir Charles, now Lord, Stewart was sent to
Troppau to watch the proceedings. Metternich, on finding that he could
not avoid the meeting of a congress, determined to lead its proceedings,
and, before it met, drew up a memorandum defining his own views about
intervention. These views were accepted at the congress by Prussia and
Russia as well as by Austria; and a protocol was issued by the three
powers declaring that a state in which a revolution should occur was
dangerous to other states, and ceased to be a member of the European
alliance, until it could give guarantees for its future stability. If
such a revolution placed other states in immediate danger, the allied
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