The Pope, the Kings and the People: A History of the Movement to Make the Pope Governor of the World by a Universal Reconstruction of Society from the Issue of the Syllabus to the Close of the Vatican CouncilArthur, William
History
The Pope, the Kings and the People: A History of the Movement to Make the Pope Governor of the World by a Universal Reconstruction of Society from the Issue of the Syllabus to the Close of the Vatican Council
Arthur, William
Catholic Church -- History -- 19th century; Papacy -- History -- 1799-1870; Pius IX, Pope, 1792-1878; Popes -- Infallibility; Popes -- Temporal power; Vatican Council (1st : 1869-1870 : Basilica di San Pietro in Vaticano)
The very frequent translations rendered necessary by the plan of
letting men speak for themselves are as close as I knew how to make
them. Even where marks of quotation are not used, and yet I profess to
give the sense of some utterance, those who can go to the originals
will find that the language, though condensed, is preserved, and, in
any important matter, closely rendered.
Reversing the ordinary practice as to quotations, where the italics
were in the original, I generally mention that it was so. It would have
been tedious to say that they were my own in every case where they
seemed necessary to direct attention to a phrase or a term having a
meaning different from ours, or to one the full significance of which
might easily escape notice.
Nothing but a conviction that the movement here traced is of an
importance for which ordinary terms are not an adequate expression
would have justified me, in my own view, in giving to the study of
it years of a life now far advanced. If the authors of the movement
are not deceived, the generations that will come up after I am no
more will witness a struggle on the widest scale, and of very long
duration, during which will disappear all that to us is known as modern
liberties, all that to Rome is known as the Modern State, and at the
close of which the ecclesiastical power will stand alone, presiding
over the destinies of a reconstituted world. Not at all believing in
the possibility of this issue, I do not disbelieve in the possibility
of the struggle. To avert any such repetition of past horrors, to turn
the war into a war of thought, a war with the sword of the writer and
of the orator, instead of that of the zouave and the dragoon, is an
object in attempting to serve which, however humbly, a good man might
be content to die. Had I at any time during my preparations seen the
same work undertaken by some one whose position or whose name would
have commanded a degree of attention to which I have no claim, gladly
should I have buried the fruit of my labour. Such as that fruit is,
I now submit it to the public, in humble hope that the very absence
of titles to consideration by which a work on the subject should have
been recommended, will turn to a plea for more indulgence in weighing
the only claims I have to put forth, those of hard work and honest
intention.
May He who has given to our nation the blessings of free prayer, free
preaching, free writing, free speech, and free assembly, with their
wholesome fruit of equal laws, tempered power, and moderated liberty,
grant that this humble labour may in some measure contribute to make
those inestimable boons dearer than ever to the hearts of our people,
and that it may contribute also to place them in a position more
readily to foil every endeavour to snatch those boons or to steal them
away from us and from mankind!
CLAPHAM COMMON, 1877.
FOOTNOTES:
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