The Pope, the Kings and the People: A History of the Movement to Make the Pope Governor of the World by a Universal Reconstruction of Society from the Issue of the Syllabus to the Close of the Vatican CouncilArthur, William
History
The Pope, the Kings and the People: A History of the Movement to Make the Pope Governor of the World by a Universal Reconstruction of Society from the Issue of the Syllabus to the Close of the Vatican Council
Arthur, William
Catholic Church -- History -- 19th century; Papacy -- History -- 1799-1870; Pius IX, Pope, 1792-1878; Popes -- Infallibility; Popes -- Temporal power; Vatican Council (1st : 1869-1870 : Basilica di San Pietro in Vaticano)
Statements of mine will frequently be found to conflict with statements
made in the _True Story_. In most of those cases--I hope in all--the
materials from known sources furnished to the general reader will
suffice for a not unsatisfactory comparison, while the authorities
indicated will enable the scholar to form a judgment. In very many of
these cases statements of Cardinal Manning, made in previous works and
virtually amounting to the same as the most material of those made in
the _True Story_, will be found side by side with the statements of
other authorities, with official documents, or with facts no longer
disputable. Of these statements, one to which the Cardinal seems to
attach much importance is his assertion that none of the prelates, or
at most a number under five, disbelieved or denied the dogma of Papal
infallibility, and that all their objections turned on questions of
prudence. This is not a slip, nor a hasty assertion, and it is very
far from being peculiar to Cardinal Manning. It is now the harmonious
refrain of all that hierarchy of strange witnesses of which he has made
himself a part. The point is one on which illustrations will occur
again and again, in events, in words, and in those documents which, in
spite of all precautions, have been gained to publicity.
Notwithstanding the method adopted in the _True Story_, the fact
crops out at every turn that the modern strife of the Papacy is not
to make men and women, as such, godly and peaceable, but to bring
kings as kings, and legislatures as legislatures, and nations as
nations, into subjection to the Pope. It crops out sufficiently, at
least, to be obvious to all who know the difference, in the Cardinal's
phraseology, between the two sets of terms employed to indicate those
two distinct objects. For instance, what an excellent description
of that _Catholic Civilization_ which, in the great contest of the
Vatican, is ever signalized as the goal, does the Cardinal give
when, picturing the "public life and laws and living organization of
Christendom" in the times when all these, according to his ideas,
were "Christian," he says, "_Princes and legislatures and society_
professed the Catholic faith, and were _subject to the head_ of the
Catholic Church." Cardinal Manning does not here use the word "society"
in the domestic but in the political sense. He means, not families
or social parties, but nations--as the Jesuit writers almost always
do. Any one may, therefore, possess himself of a key to the true
meaning of many pious phrases which occur in the following pages, if
he will first of all clearly realize in his own thoughts just what
it would involve for England; and for us were the conditions stated
by the Cardinal fulfilled by our princes, our legislature, and our
"society." One seeking to do this must realize the fact that the prince
and the legislature not as individuals, and the "society" not in its
separate members, but the prince as a prince, the legislature as a
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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