The Problem of Foreign Policy: A Consideration of Present Dangers and the Best Methods for Meeting Them — John Shaqi
The Problem of Foreign Policy: A Consideration of Present Dangers and the Best Methods for Meeting ThemMurray, Gilbert
Philosophy
The Problem of Foreign Policy: A Consideration of Present Dangers and the Best Methods for Meeting Them
Murray, Gilbert
Eastern question; Europe -- Politics and government -- 1918-1945; Great Britain -- Foreign relations
But Mr. Wilson's language was often rather lacking in definiteness. Who
knows exactly what "justice" is, or what may be regarded as
consideration for "the true interests" of the German people? They
accepted the terms; but they were free to use all permissible ingenuity
in interpreting a document which they had not drawn up, and which had
been forced upon them in a time of need.
Furthermore, one who labours through the four hundred and forty articles
of the treaty, with their innumerable subdivisions, will find not merely
that the treaty represents broadly the victory of the right side over
the wrong, and is a charter of emancipation to large parts of Europe. He
will find also that four hundred or more of the detailed articles are
reasonable enough and many of them excellent. The injustice arises in
two ways. First, that on every doubtful point, and there are many, the
decision is apt to be given against the enemy; and next, that behind the
respectable structure of the treaty there existed in fact a flood of
white-hot war-passion--revenge, hate, terror, suspicion, and raging
covetousness--which poisoned the atmosphere and here and there made a
breach in the protecting wall.
A great English military critic somewhat shocked public opinion by
saying at the time of the armistice, "This armistice is wrong. We have
got them down, and now we ought to kick them till we have had enough."
The French, he said, ought to have continued the war and marched on to
Berlin, plundering and ravaging till they had satisfied their revenge.
The words sound like insanity, but the speaker explained them later on.
A war of revenge, he argued, is within the limits of pardonable human
nature. And it comes to an end. But, being cheated of their decisive
campaign of victory, the French were making a peace of revenge; and that
is a thing which is apt to admit of no forgiveness and no finish.
I quote these words not because I agree with them in practical policy,
but because of the profound psychological truth that they express.
Behind the statesmen who had pledged their words, however unwillingly,
remained masses of ignorant, violent, and war-maddened people, many of
them with terrible wrongs to avenge and no guide or leader to help them
against themselves. We need not recall, though few sensitive people will
ever forget, the horrors of the propaganda of hate. It is only worth
realizing that the mob-inspired journalists and journalist-inspired
mobs who clamoured for an utter and all-devouring peace of revenge,
including the starvation and enslavement of half Europe for thirty or
fifty or a hundred years, had never themselves signed the Fourteen
Points and felt no personal inconsistency or turpitude if they compelled
the Supreme Council of the Allies to break its faith.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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