The Problem of Foreign Policy: A Consideration of Present Dangers and the Best Methods for Meeting ThemMurray, Gilbert
Philosophy
The Problem of Foreign Policy: A Consideration of Present Dangers and the Best Methods for Meeting Them
Murray, Gilbert
Eastern question; Europe -- Politics and government -- 1918-1945; Great Britain -- Foreign relations
I think, after considerable hesitation, that the rejection of the treaty
was a misfortune. Formally, no doubt, it was open to objection. It
seemed like an unnecessary excrescence upon the Covenant of the League
of Nations, which already gave guarantees against war. It contravened
one of Mr. Wilson's principles, and a very sound one, laid down on
September 27, 1918: "Thirdly, there can be no leagues or alliances or
special covenants and understandings within the general and common
family of the League of Nations." Yet the practical importance of
reassuring France was so urgent that a little formal incorrectness might
have been worth incurring; and even formal incorrectness could have been
avoided by the simple expedient of making this guarantee to France take
the form of a special rider to Article XVI of the Covenant.
That article provides: "Should any member of the League resort to war in
disregard of its covenants under Articles XII, XIII, or XV, it shall
_ipso facto_ be deemed to have committed an act of war against all other
members of the League, which hereby undertake immediately to . . ." To
do what? One expects that they will undertake to declare war, and this
is what the French wanted. But no. They only undertake to apply an
economic boycott to the offending state, while the Council may
"recommend to the several Governments concerned what effective military,
naval, or air force they shall severally contribute to the armed forces
to be used to protect the covenants of the League." In case of a future
attack by Germany on France, France's late allies are bound to boycott
German trade, but are not explicitly bound to give military help to
France. I suggest that it would have been possible for Great Britain and
America to add a rider stating specifically that in one of the cases
contemplated by this article, namely, an unprovoked attack on France by
Germany, they would not merely proclaim a blockade and consider what to
do next, but would immediately and unconditionally declare war. Such an
undertaking would involve some risk and be contrary to our usual policy;
but I am inclined to suggest that the risk would have been worth taking.
However, this was not done. France was left with the impression that if
attacked she could not count with confidence on the military support of
her late allies or of the other Powers of the League. The result was
disastrous. While the rest of Europe, supported by a small but generous
and brilliant band of French radicals and Socialists, considered the
Treaty of Versailles intolerably harsh, the dominant French policy
complained that it was inadequate for her protection. The line of
criticism was somewhat as follows:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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