The Problem of Foreign Policy: A Consideration of Present Dangers and the Best Methods for Meeting ThemMurray, Gilbert
Philosophy
The Problem of Foreign Policy: A Consideration of Present Dangers and the Best Methods for Meeting Them
Murray, Gilbert
Eastern question; Europe -- Politics and government -- 1918-1945; Great Britain -- Foreign relations
Take the treaty with Italy in 1915. Italy demanded a certain price, if
she was to come into the war on our side. Another party in Italy was
negotiating with the Germans, to see what inducement could be offered
for Italy to come in on the other side. (I make no complaint whatever of
the conduct of these Italian statesmen; they naturally consulted the
interests of their country.) The price was high, and involved the
transference to Italy of territory to which, on principles of
self-determination, she had little claim. But who could refuse the
price? War "is a violent master and teaches by compulsion."
Take the blockade of Germany. It was a slow and somewhat cruel weapon to
employ, falling most severely on the most innocent classes. But Germany
was trying to blockade us, and only our superior strength and skill at
sea caused her plan to fail. It was part of the normal means of war, and
of course we used it.
Then came an extension of it. Poland, most unhappy of European nations,
was swept by alternate armies, conquered by the Germans, devastated and
laid bare. The Poles were our allies. Our newspapers had accounts of the
appalling distress in Poland--the roads strewn with skeletons, the
almost complete blotting-out of children under seven, and the like. The
Americans proposed to send food for the relief of the Poles. But we made
objection. We did not allow food to go into Poland, to save our own
allies, who were starving. Why? Because the Germans were still taking
from the miserable country all the food they could wring out of it. And
if the Americans brought in more food, undoubtedly the enemy would take
more. There was no choice. We had to refuse the entry of the food ships.
But the man who had to sign that order may well have wished he had died
before the need came to him.
These results and necessities of war, though I have chosen none of a
sensational kind, are very horrible. It is not easy to think of actions
much more horrible. But they are not exactly crimes, they are not marks
of degradation in those who order them, because they are done under the
compulsion of war. The alternative in each case is something equivalent
to helping the enemy.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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