The Problem of Foreign Policy: A Consideration of Present Dangers and the Best Methods for Meeting ThemMurray, Gilbert
Philosophy
The Problem of Foreign Policy: A Consideration of Present Dangers and the Best Methods for Meeting Them
Murray, Gilbert
Eastern question; Europe -- Politics and government -- 1918-1945; Great Britain -- Foreign relations
been subjected to a definitely unjust or dangerous condition, we offer
you a remedy. Wherever you may have a dispute with any other Power, we
offer you a Court of Arbitration as impartially constituted as the wit
of man could devise."
* * * * *
At present neither party quite believes this guarantee. If they did, it
would probably be enough for them. It used to be said of Sir Edward Grey
in the Balkan Conferences that he was not only sincere; he had the power
of making other people see that he was sincere. If Europe is to be saved
from new Great Wars, the Powers of the League must first of all be
sincere in their undertakings, and next, they must convince the world in
general of their sincerity. To that subject we must return later.
CHAPTER II
THE EAST
But the world is not merely threatened by the prospect of future wars.
It is filled with wars at the present moment. There are quarrels and
bickerings between most of the newly liberated states in eastern Europe;
there is a war, sometimes avowed and sometimes underground, between
Communist Russia and all her neighbours and rivals, a war whose
tentacles reach far throughout Europe and Asia; and there are wars
against the British and French in various parts of the East. Let us
briefly touch upon a few sample cases.
I. SYRIA, MESOPOTAMIA, EGYPT, AND INDIA
The simplest case is Syria. In 1915, during the war, a Syrian National
Committee, including representatives from Damascus and Mosul, negotiated
with us through Sherif Husein, and we signed a document promising to
"recognize and uphold Arab independence" in an area including the whole
of Arabia, Palestine, Syria, and Mesopotamia, except (1) Aden and (2)
the Syrian coast. Within the independent area we merely claimed for
ourselves "a measure of administrative control" in Bagdad and Bosra--not
in Mosul--and reserved any special interests of France. The French were
informed of the negotiations immediately. They expressed themselves
content with the possession of the Syrian coast, and agreed in our
promises to Husein. On the strength of this agreement the Hejaz
revolted, and Feisul's army, consisting mainly of Syrian and
Mesopotamian soldiers who had formerly been in the Turkish service,
fought as our allies to the end of the war. An attempted rising in Syria
proper was crushed with great severity by the Turks.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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