In other words, every officer of the public, whether he represents it
as a voter or as a stated official, has a dual capacity. From this fact
the most serious problem of government arises. We commonly speak of
some governments as representative in contrast with others which are
not. By our hypothesis all governments are representative in that they
purport to stand for the interests which a public has in the behavior
of individuals and groups. There is, however, no contradiction here.
Those concerned in government are still human beings. They retain
their share of the ordinary traits of human nature. They still have
private interests to serve and interests of special groups, those of
the family, clique or class to which they belong. Rarely can a person
sink himself in his political function; the best which most men attain
to is the domination by the public weal of their other desires. What is
meant by “representative” government is that the public is definitely
organized with the intent to secure this dominance. The dual capacity
of every officer of the public leads to conflict in individuals between
their genuinely political aims and acts and those which they possess in
their non-political rôles. When the public adopts special measures to
see to it that the conflict is minimized and that the representative
function overrides the private one, political institutions are termed
representative.
It may be said that not until recently have publics been conscious
that they were publics, so that it is absurd to speak of their
organizing themselves to protect and secure their interests. Hence
states are a recent development. The facts are, indeed, fatally
against attribution of any long history to states provided we use a
hard and fast conceptual definition of states. But our definition is
founded on the exercise of a function, not on any inherent essence
or structural nature. Hence it is more or less a verbal matter just
what countries and peoples are called states. What is of importance is
that the facts which significantly differentiate various forms from
one another be recognized. The objection just urged points to a fact
of great significance, whether the word “state” be used or not. It
indicates that for long stretches of time the public rôle of rulers has
been incidental to other ends for which they have used their powers.
There has been a machinery of government, but it has been employed for
purposes which in the strict sense are non-political, the deliberate
advancement of dynastic interests. Thus we come upon the primary
problem of the public: to achieve such recognition of itself as will
give it weight in the selection of official representatives and in
the definition of their responsibilities and rights. Consideration of
this problem leads us, as we shall see, into the discussion of the
democratic state.
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