The Quarterly Review, Volume 162, No. 324, April, 1886Various
History
The Quarterly Review, Volume 162, No. 324, April, 1886
Various
Periodicals
The conservatism of Lewis was that of a profoundly sceptical instinct,
of practical cautious incredulity. Bagehot's was the conservatism of
middle-class English thought and experience. Tocqueville's was that of
wide observation and bitter disappointment. Mill was a Conservative only
so far as conservatism was forced upon a mind essentially radical and
even revolutionary, imbued with a profound faith in abstract principles
leading far beyond universal suffrage to, if not across the verge of
communism, by the danger which he foresaw to individual liberty and
unfettered intellectual freedom from the ascendency of mere numbers.
Upon this point he agreed closely with Tocqueville, though upon nearly
every other their views were as opposite as their character and
experience; and their teaching has been fully confirmed by the actual
working of the most successful, the most tolerant, and the most
fortunately situated democracy that the world has ever seen.
The tendency of Democracy to naked despotism is obvious enough in the
recent history of France; but sanguine democrats ascribe the special
experience of France to the intense centralization inherited, as
Tocqueville shows, by the Republic, the Constitutional Monarchy and the
Empire from the _Ancien Regime_; the absence of any local school of
practical discussion, mutual tolerance, and co-operation; the bitterness
of factions fighting not for administrative or legislative control, but
for fundamentally incompatible forms of Government,--to anything rather
than the unfitness of the French nation for Teutonic liberties.
Conservative pessimists and democratic optimists can only find a common
ground, a test which both will accept, in the experience of the United
States. Whatever vices are found in American democracy must be inherent
in democracy itself; and it must be granted that, looking on the surface
of public life, the larger facts of national history, and the material
condition of the people, there is no evidence, obvious to the hasty
observer, of interference with personal freedom, of any demoralizing or
weakening influence on individual character exercised by political or
social equality. It is outside of the proper field of politics, in facts
invisible to distant observers, and not visible at a glance to
thoughtful travellers, that we must seek for proof of the bearing of
democratic institutions and ideas upon personal and social liberty, upon
the maintenance of individual and collective rights.
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