When, in 1857, Mr. Davis was again elected to the Senate, the Compromise
of 1850 had already become a dead letter, as he had predicted that it
would. The anti-slavery sentiment had, like Aaron's rod, swallowed all
rivals, and party leaders once noted for conservatism, had resolved to
suppress the curse, despite the decision of the Supreme Court statute, of
law, of even the Constitution itself. Those who have criticised Mr. Davis
most bitterly for his attitude at that time have failed to appreciate the
fact that he then occupied the exact ground where he had always stood.
Others had changed. He had remained consistent. He had never countenanced
the doctrine of nullification; he had always affirmed the right of
secession. Profoundly versed, as he was, in the constitutional law of the
United States, familiar with every phase of the question debated by the
Convention of 1787, his logical mind was unable to reach a conclusion
adverse to the right of a sovereign state to withdraw from a voluntary
compact, the violation of which endangered its interests. He believed that
the compact was violated by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; he felt
that it was being violated now, but as in 1850 he had declared that
nothing short of the necessity of self-protection would justify the
dissolution of the Union, he now pleaded with the majority not to force
that necessity upon the South. Secession he frankly declared to be a great
evil, so great that the South would only adopt it as the last resort; but
at the same time he warned the abolitionists that if the guarantees of the
Constitution were not respected, that if the Northern states were to defy
the decrees of the Supreme Court favorable to the South, as they had done
in the Dred Scott decision, that if his section was to be ruled by a
hostile majority without regard to the right, the protection thrown around
the minority by the fundamental law of the land, that the Southern states
could not in honor remain members of the Union, and would therefore
certainly withdraw from it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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