The educated class, of course, understood all sections of the country, but
at this time it is almost impossible to understand how little the rank and
file of the Southern people knew of the North, its resources and, above
all, of the motives that actuated its citizens. In a word, two sections of
a country separated by no natural barrier, speaking the same language and
in the main living under the same laws, were to all intents and purposes
as much foreigners as though a vast ocean had divided them.
Nursed upon the theories of state sovereignty, the Southern people could
not at first understand how a seceding state could be coerced, and when
that delusion was dispelled, their attitude was one of angry contempt.
From colonial days, conditions in the South had been such as to develop
courage, resourcefulness and self-reliance in the individual. The idea of
coercion was to them ridiculous. Numerically inferior as they were,
they felt self-sufficient. So much so, in fact, that they took no trouble
to conciliate that class before referred to which, while out of sympathy
with them on slavery, were held by other ties which at first inclined them
rather to the South than to the North. What mattered it? Let them join the
Yankees, and they would whip both. This same confidence saw in the
approaching conflict a short affair, and among this people, naturally as
warlike as the Romans under the republic, there grew up the widespread
fear that the war would not last long enough for all to take a hand.
Valorous the attitude undoubtedly was, but at the same time the spirit
that gave it birth was fatal to that careful preparation which alone would
have insured a chance for success.
[Illustration: Henry Clay Addressing the Senate on the Missouri
Compromise]
This spirit invaded even the Congress, where strong opposition developed
to long enlistments. In fact, this body seems to have seriously believed
that the volunteers would be sufficient to maintain the struggle, and
while Mr. Davis saw the error and danger involved in both theories, the
most that could be secured was legislation which provided for a twelve
months' enlistment. This, in all truth, was bad enough, but it is doubtful
if it was so pernicious as the methods provided for fixing the rank of
officers by the relative position formerly held by them in the United
States army--a measure which from its inception proved a perfect Pandora's
box of discord and dissension.
XVI. The First Battle
The next step of Congress was unquestionably a fatal blunder. This was the
removal of the capitol from Montgomery to Richmond. From the very nature
of the situation, it was evident that the chief goal of the enemy would be
the capture of the capital and the moral effect of such a result must
prove extremely disastrous, by elating the North, discouraging the South
and impairing confidence abroad.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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