private character, as if they were not subject to the same principles of moral judgment? Shall they in whose veins Puritan blood runs freely admit a doctrine, the bare mention of which would have made Winthrop and Bradford and a thousand more like them tremble with horror? It came not from them, it does not belong to the New England soil. It came from the corrupt Courts of Europe, from ages when Christianity was scarcely known, and from scenes where its influence was unfelt. To the Old World let it be restored; to past ages be it consigned. And let us no more hear the abominable doctrine--as irrational as it is detestable--that what would be scandalous in private life may be just and commendable in the management of political affairs. I reaffirm, that religion should purify the currents of thought and control the movements, whether secret or open, that belong to this part of human agency. And if I needed other support for this assertion than is furnished by the very terms in which it is expressed, I might quote the words of Washington, who in his _Farewell Address_, after remarking that "of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports," adds, "In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labour to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them." "And let us," he further adds, "with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle." Words worthy to be inscribed over every hall of legislation and every place of public resort in this or any other land.