“I confess that I do not see how, at present, it is possible to
dispense with the county jail as a house of detention. Ill-adapted
as it is to that use, if we gain nothing, we at least lose nothing
by conservatism as to this point. Consider the absolute necessity
for having a place of confinement for prisoners awaiting trial.
Consider the enormous cost of providing a new and improved house of
detention in each county. If it should be said that so many houses
of detention are not requisite, that the state might be redistricted
for judicial purposes, or that prisoners might be carried back and
forth between counties, remember that the witnesses would also have
to be transported, at great expense. Neither of these suggestions is
likely favorably to impress a practical mind. Possibly there are jails
which might be remodelled, so as to serve reasonably well as houses of
detention only; and there may be counties in which the present jails
should be condemned as nuisances, and houses of detention, properly
planned for that exclusive use, might there be built. These are details
which may be left to take care of themselves. Why put off doing what
we can do, because there are other things that we can not do? The time
may come when we can do more. Why advocate reforms which are sure to
provoke such a united opposition as to insure their defeat in advance?
“On this subject, however, there is one suggestion that may well
be made. The population of our minor prisons might be materially
reduced, if a more liberal use were made of the constitutional right
of bail. The purpose of temporary release under bond is twofold; to
relieve the public and to relieve the prisoner. It is expected that
the courts will exercise this power in a liberal spirit, and they
do. Some of them are authorized to release prisoners on their own
recognizance, at the discretion of the court. Every court should
possess this right, and greater use might well be made of it. In our
large cities, there are many persons guilty of disorderly conduct, or
charged with the violation of some police regulation, or some trivial
or purely technical offence, who would face trial, without being held
in custody, but are unable to procure bondsmen. In both civic and rural
communities, there are also many whose family and business relations
are such, that there is no reason to apprehend that they will seek to
avoid trial by running away. The fact that such persons can not furnish
bail is no sufficient reason for their imprisonment. In all such cases,
the committing magistrate must of course use wise discrimination in the
exercise of his right to waive the usual bail-bond.
“It is further desirable that the criminal code should provide for the
probation of the accused, in advance of trial.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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