The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three YearsMaurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
History
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years
Maurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
Europe -- History -- 1848-1849; Revolutions -- Europe
The system of the new ruler resembled that of Napoleon in its contempt
for the rights of men and of nations; but it was to be varnished over
with an appearance of legality, a seeming respect for the rights of
kings, and a determination to preserve peace and avoid dramatic
sensations, which made it welcome to Europe, after eighteen years of
almost incessant wars or rumours of wars. As he looked round upon the
countries that had fallen under his rule, the contemplation of the
existing state of Europe seemed to promise the new monarch a fairly
successful reign. France had been satisfied by the preservation of
Alsace and Lorraine, and by the sense that, from having been the focus
of revolution, she had now become the corner-stone of legitimacy.
England had at first seemed to give pledges to the cause of liberty by
her promise of independence to Genoa, and her guarantee of the
Sicilian Constitution; but with the help of Castlereagh, whom
Metternich described as "that upright and enlightened statesman," the
Austrian Government had succeeded in persuading the English to consent
to look on quietly while Genoa was absorbed in the Kingdom of
Sardinia, and while the Anglo-Sicilian Constitution was destroyed by
Ferdinand of Naples; and the English zeal for independence had been
happily diverted from the support of constitutions and civic liberties
to the championship of the most contemptible of Napoleon's puppets,
the King of Saxony.
The King of Prussia, who in 1813 had seemed in danger of becoming the
champion of popular rights and German freedom, was now, with his usual
feebleness, swaying towards the side of despotism; and any irritation
which he may have felt at the opposition to his claim upon Saxony,
had been removed by the concession of the Rhine Province.
Among the smaller sovereigns of Europe, the King of Sardinia and the
Pope alone showed any signs of rebellion against the new ruler of
Europe. The former had objected to the continued occupation of
Alessandria by Austrian forces; while the representatives of the Pope
had even entered a protest against that vague and dangerous clause in
the Treaty of Vienna which gave Austria a right to occupy Ferrara.
But, on the other hand, the King of Sardinia had shown more zeal than
any other ruler of Italy in restoring the old feudal and absolutist
régime which the French had overthrown. And though Cardinal Consalvi,
the chief adviser of the Pope, was following for the present a
semi-Liberal policy, he might as yet be considered as only having
established a workable Government in Rome. And a Pope who had been
kidnapped by Napoleon was hardly likely to offer much opposition to
the man who, in his own opinion, was the overthrower of Napoleon.
Yet there were two difficulties which seemed likely to hinder the
prosperity of Metternich's reign. These were the character of
Alexander I. of Russia, and the aspirations of the German nation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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