The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three YearsMaurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
History
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years
Maurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
Europe -- History -- 1848-1849; Revolutions -- Europe
A writer named Andrian took up the question of reform from the
aristocratic side, stirred up the Landtag in Bohemia to assert the
Constitutional rights of which they had never been entirely deprived,
and also influenced the Estates of Lower Austria to strengthen their
body by admitting a more complete representation of the citizens.
Schuselka, on the other hand, called upon the Emperor to turn from the
nobles as untrustworthy, and rely for his help on the citizens. But the
man who seems to have drawn most support and attention to his opinions
was Ignatz Kuranda. He did not venture to propound his ideas in
Austria, but started a paper in Leipzig called the _Grenz Boten_. To
this all Austrians who desired reform, whether from the aristocratic or
democratic point of view, hastened to contribute. And the Government
soon became so much alarmed at these writings that they demanded that
both Kuranda and Schuselka should be expelled from all the States of
Germany. It was a sign, perhaps, that Metternich's power was beginning,
even at that time, to wane, that he was unable to obtain this
concession; and then the paid writers of the Government set themselves
to answer the reformers. This attempt, of course, only produced new
writers on the side of Kuranda; and so the movement gathered additional
force.
But however excellent the awakening of intellectual freedom might be,
no steady movement of reform could be inaugurated at this period which
did not sooner or later gather round the national principle. Neither
Vienna nor the Archduchy had any traditions of national life; while
the Austrian Empire, which, in its separate form, was not half a
century old, was the very negation of the national principle. While,
therefore, the Viennese looked for lessons in Constitutional freedom
to the neighbouring State of Hungary, their only hope of sharing in a
national life seemed to rest on their chance of absorption in Germany.
Hence arose a movement in many ways hopeless and illogical, and the
cause of much injustice to other races; but which, nevertheless,
supplied a strength and vigour to the reformers of Vienna which they
would otherwise have lacked. They have been denounced for wishing to
sacrifice the position of their city as the capital of a great Empire
by consenting to its absorption in another nation, in which it would
play, at best, only a secondary part. Yet the desire to take a share
in the common struggles, common traditions, and common hopes of men of
the same language and race is surely a nobler aspiration than the
ambition to be the centre of a large number of jarring races, held
together by military force or diplomatic intrigue. Circumstances and
History had made the desire of the Viennese impossible of execution;
but this desire had none the less an element of nobility in it, which
should not be disregarded. The first to give prominent utterance to
the new aspiration was the Archduke John, who, at a banquet in
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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