The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three YearsMaurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
History
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years
Maurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
Europe -- History -- 1848-1849; Revolutions -- Europe
Under her influence Alexander drew up a manifesto, from which it
appeared that, while all men were brothers, kings were the fathers of
their peoples; Russia, Austria, and Prussia were different branches of
one Christian people, who recognized no ruler save the Highest; and
they were to combine to enforce Christian principles on the peoples of
Europe. When the draft of this proclamation was first placed before
Metternich it was so alien from his modes of thought that he could
only treat it with scorn; and Frederick William of Prussia was the
only ruler who regarded it with even modified approval. But with all
his scorn Metternich had the wit to see that the pietism of Alexander
of Russia had now been turned into a direction which might be made use
of for the enforcement of Metternich's own system of government; and
thus, after having induced Alexander, much against his will, to modify
and alter the original draft, Metternich laid the foundation of the
Holy Alliance.
But there still remained the troublesome question of the aspirations
of the German nation; and these seemed likely at first to centre in a
man of far higher type and far more steady resolution than Alexander.
This was Baron von Stein, who, driven from office by Napoleon, had
been in exile the point of attraction to all those who laboured for
the liberty of Germany. He had declared, at an early period, in favour
of a German Parliament. But Metternich had ingeniously succeeded in
pitting against him the local feeling of the smaller German States;
and instead of the real Parliament which Stein desired, there arose
that curious device for hindering national development called the
German Bund.
This was composed of thirty-nine members, the representatives
of all the different German Governments. Its object was said to
be to preserve the outward and inward safety of Germany, and the
independence and inviolability of her separate States. If any change
were to be made in fundamental laws, it could only be done by a
unanimous vote. Some form of Constitution was to be introduced in each
State of the Bund; arrangements were to be made with regard to the
freedom of the press, and the Bund was also to take into consideration
the question of trade and intercourse between the different States.
All the members of the Bundestag were to protect Germany, and each
individual State, against every attack. The vagueness and looseness of
these provisions enabled Metternich so to manage the Bundestag as to
defeat the objects of Stein and his friends, and gradually to use this
weakly-constituted Assembly as an effective engine of despotism.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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