The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three YearsMaurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
History
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years
Maurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
Europe -- History -- 1848-1849; Revolutions -- Europe
It was this Committee, therefore, which undertook the decision of the
relations to be established between Bohemia and the new free Germany.
The new body proved bolder than the Preparatory Parliament; for it
took a step which, though it may have been intended in a conciliatory
spirit, yet involved the distinct assertion of the claim to treat
Bohemia as part of Germany. They invited the Bohemian historian
Palacky to join with them in their deliberations, and thus to sanction
the proposal that Bohemia should send representatives to the German
Parliament. Palacky answered by a courteous but firm refusal of the
proposal, based partly on the grounds of previous history, partly on
the needs of Bohemia, and partly on the necessity of an independent
Austrian Empire to the safety and freedom of Europe. He pointed out
that the supposed union between Bohemia and Germany had been merely an
alliance of princes, never of peoples, and that even the Bohemian
Estates had never recognized it. He urged that Bohemia had the same
right to independence which was claimed by Germany; but that both
would suffer if extraneous elements were introduced into Germany. He
urged that an independent Austria was necessary as a barrier against
Russia, but that Germany could be united only by a Republican
Government; and, therefore, Austria, which must necessarily remain an
Empire, could not consent to a close union with Germany without
breaking to pieces.
In spite, however, of this rebuff, the German leaders at Frankfort
were so eager to secure their purpose in this matter that they sent
down messengers to Prague to confer with the Bohemian National
Committee. A long discussion ensued, turning partly on the independence
of the Austrian State, partly on the nationality of Bohemia. The
Bohemians urged that the Germans were endeavouring to force upon
them traditions which they had rejected for themselves; that the
Frankfort Parliament had repudiated the old Bund on account of its
unrepresentative character; and yet they demanded that Bohemia should
recognise a union which rested on the arrangements which had been
destroyed, a union about which the Bohemians had never been consulted
as a nation. The Germans, on their side, attempted to advance certain
arguments of expediency in favour of a closer union between Bohemia and
Germany. But a certain Dr. Schilling, who does not seem to have been
one of the original messengers from Frankfort, declared, with brutal
frankness, the real grounds of the German proposal. If Austria did not
become German, he said, the Germans of Austria would not remain
Austrian. The five million Germans in Austria would not stay to be
oppressed by the twelve million Slavs. The freedom and culture of
Bohemia was, he declared, entirely German. The idea of freedom could
not be found among the Slavs; and it was therefore necessary, in the
general interests of freedom, that Bohemia should be absorbed in
Germany.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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