The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three YearsMaurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
History
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years
Maurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
Europe -- History -- 1848-1849; Revolutions -- Europe
In two important respects the government of Victor Emmanuel was even
worse than that of Austria. Clerical injustice and oppression were as
distasteful to Francis and Metternich as they had been to Joseph and
Leopold; while in Piedmont, on the contrary, friars and monks were
allowed a licence which speedily became a new source of evil. The
other point of difference was that, tyrannical and unjust as the
Austrian tribunals were in cases where political questions were
involved, they were perfectly pure in cases between man and man
unconnected with politics; whereas in Piedmont judicial decisions were
sold to the highest bidder.
Under these circumstances, the eyes of the champions of Italian
liberty naturally turned to that kingdom from which the last effort
had been made for the unity of Italy.
Naples had contributed a very large proportion of those who had died
for the cause of liberty in the earlier struggles, and even before
that time had produced at least one man who had left his mark on
sciences which tended to promote good government. Gaetano Filangieri
had been one of the most distinguished writers on law and political
economy, and had gained great influence at one period over Ferdinand
I. of Naples. Ferdinand himself, though intensely weak, and capable of
cruelty under certain circumstances, was not a man of habitually cruel
character, nor even of so despotic a temperament as Victor Emmanuel of
Sardinia.
But, like most of the sovereigns of Italy, he found himself compelled
to rely more and more on Austria for the re-establishment of his
power. He appointed Nugent, the Austrian general, as the head of his
army, and a central council interfered with the liberties which had
grown up in Naples. His refusal to carry out the promises of liberty
which he had made in his time of difficulty naturally irritated his
people against him, while the recollections of Murat stirred in them
the desire for new efforts for freedom.
But the great ally which Naples supplied at this time to the cause
of liberty was the Society of the Carbonari. Connected by vague
traditions with some societies of the past, Carbonarism had received
its first distinct political shape in the year 1811, when Murat was
reigning in Naples. In 1814, when Murat had shown signs of a despotic
spirit, it transferred its allegiance to King Ferdinand, then reigning
only in Sicily. When Ferdinand had been restored to the throne of
Naples, he found Carbonarism a dangerous element in his kingdom, and
he began to prosecute the members of the Society. This had not,
however, deprived the Carbonari of their monarchical sympathies; they
merely transferred them from Ferdinand to his son Francis, who, having
assisted at the establishment of the Constitution of 1812 in Sicily,
was supposed to be committed to the cause of liberty.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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