The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three YearsMaurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
History
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years
Maurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
Europe -- History -- 1848-1849; Revolutions -- Europe
Fierce attacks on the Slavs and their language now appeared in the
"Pesti Hirlap," and Kossuth refused to insert the answers to these
attacks. Count Zay, who had just been appointed chief inspector of
the Protestant Congregations and Schools, openly announced in a public
circular his determination to Magyarize the Slavs. The Slavonic
speech, he said, would prevent the Slavs from being firm in the
Protestant faith; and while they used that speech they would not be
capable of freedom, and could not even be considered to have a proper
share in humanity. The Magyarizing of the Slavs was the holiest duty
of every genuine patriot of Hungary, every defender of freedom and
intelligence, and every true subject of the Austrian House. Others
accused the Slavs of offering sacrifices to their old deity Svatopluk;
while that great bugbear, the fear of Russian influence, was pushed
forward on every occasion. Slavonic hymns, previously sung in the
churches, were prohibited; and Magyar preachers were thrust upon
congregations who did not understand a word of the Magyar language.
It was while this bitter feeling was at its height that the elections
began for the Diet of 1843 at Presburg, and for the Croatian Assembly
at Agram. The Hungarian elections turned, to some extent, on the
quarrel with the Slavs; but partly also on the question, which was now
coming to the front, of the exemption of the so-called nobles of
Hungary from taxation. These "nobles" were not confined to the great
families who sat in the House of Magnates, but included all the
freeholders of the country; and great injustice had arisen from the
fact that the men who laid on the taxes were, in the main, not those
who paid them. Szechenyi, as before mentioned, had tried to diminish
this injustice; but the fiery methods of Kossuth, and the growing
tendency to opposition to the Austrian rule, had alarmed Szechenyi;
and he shrank more and more from the leaders of the popular movement.
It was not, however, merely the extreme character of their aims, nor
their rough-and-ready methods, which alienated him; it was also their
growing injustice to the Slavs. Szechenyi, who had been so much the
first in reviving an interest in Magyar language and literature, now
came forward, as President of the Hungarian Academy, to denounce any
step for spreading the Magyar language which could offend the Croats.
On the other hand, the peasant nobles of Hungary protested fiercely
against the attempt to deprive them of their exemption from taxation,
and they gathered at the county meetings in a riotous manner,
breaking, in one case, into the Hall of Election, with knives in their
hands, and shouting, "Freedom for ever! We will not pay taxes."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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