The Rise of the Dutch Republic — Volume 32: 1582-84Motley, John Lothrop
History
The Rise of the Dutch Republic — Volume 32: 1582-84
Motley, John Lothrop
Netherlands -- Church history; Netherlands -- History -- Eighty Years' War, 1568-1648
authorities of Ghent and the Prince of Chimay on the one side, and the
United States-general, the magistracy of Antwerp, the states of Brabant,
and other important bodies on the other.
The friends of the Union and of liberty used all their eloquence to
arrest the city of Ghent in its course, and to save the province of
Flanders from accepting the proposed arrangement with Parma. The people
of Ghent were reminded that the chief promoter of this new negotiation
was Champagny, a man who owed a deep debt of hatred to their city, for
the long, and as he believed, the unjust confinement which he had endured
within its walls. Moreover, he was the brother of Granvelle, source of
all their woes. To take counsel with Champagny, was to come within reach
of a deadly foe, for "he who confesses himself to a wolf," said the
burgomasters of Antwerp, "will get wolf's absolution." The Flemings were
warned by all their correspondents that it was puerile to hope for faith
in Philip; a monarch whose first principle was, that promises to heretics
were void. They were entreated to pay no heed to the "sweet singing of
the royalists," who just then affected to disapprove of the practice
adopted by the Spanish Inquisition, that they might more surely separate
them from their friends. "Imitate not," said the magistrates of
Brussels, "the foolish sheep who made with the wolves a treaty of
perpetual amity, from which the faithful dogs were to be excluded."
It was affirmed--and the truth was certainly beyond peradventure--that
religious liberty was dead at the moment when the treaty with Parma
should be signed. "To look for political privilege or evangelical
liberty," said the Antwerp authorities, "in any arrangement with the
Spaniards, is to look for light in darkness, for fire in water." "Philip
is himself the slave of the Inquisition," said the states-general, "and
has but one great purpose in life--to cherish the institution everywhere,
and particularly in the Netherlands. Before Margaret of Parma's time,
one hundred thousand Netherlanders had been burned or strangled, and Alva
had spent seven years in butchering and torturing many thousands more."
The magistrates of Brussells used similar expressions. "The King of
Spain," said they to their brethren of Ghent, "is fastened to the
Inquisition. Yea, he is so much in its power, that even if he desired,
he is unable to maintain his promises." The Prince of Orange too,
was indefatigable in public and private efforts to counteract the
machinations of Parma and the Spanish party in Ghent. He saw with horror
the progress which the political decomposition of that most important
commonwealth was making, for he considered the city the keystone to the
union of the provinces, for he felt with a prophetic instinct that its
loss would entail that of all the southern provinces, and make a united
and independent Netherland state impossible. Already in the summer of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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